• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.2
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• pp.705-744
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• 1997

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.2
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• pp.153-239
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• 1997

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.6
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• pp.169-316
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• 1998

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.73-95
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• 2015

This research has a purpose to verify whether the Internet diffusion through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) can bring about democratic changes in authoritarian political system of developing countries. This research has found out that IT ODA has 'positive(+)' effect on the Internet diffusion in recipient countries. It seems to support the expectation of donor countries that they can lead the political democratization by constructing infrastructure and promoting the use of the Internet. However, as the impact of IT ODA on the Internet diffusion is not considerable as well as the Internet diffusion has no strong influence on the development of democracy in developing countries, and also each of these aspects of countries looks different, it is hard to see that the democratization hypothesis based on the optimistic technological determinism is reasonable. Therefore, this paper argues that IT ODA must be based on not blind optimism that IT transfer will lead to the political democratization in developing countries, but the social structuralism which is based on distinctiveness and uniqueness of countries. and suggests that the discuss of the effect of IT ODA proceed with the constructive way.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.5 no.1 s.9
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• pp.76-86
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• 1999

본 연구는 미국의 실용주의 철학자인 존 듀이의 공생적 합리주의 모형에 대한 분석과 이 모형의 계획이론의 적용에 대한 사회규범적 논의에 관한 것이다. 다양한 사회과학분야의 문헌고찰과 듀이를 비롯한 실용주의학파들의 연구를 중심으로 이루어진 본 연구는, 최근 논의되고 있는 사회 규범적 차원에서 논의되고 있는 계획이론의 이론적 근거를 존 듀이의 공생적 합리주의에서 찾고자 하였다. 민주주의의 속성상 계획과정에서의 상충과 갈등이 피할수 없는 현실이라면, 이러한 갈등과 상충이 발전적 도구로 존재할 수 있다고 제시한 듀이의 공생주의는 합리성의 가능성에 바탕을 둔 고전적 합리주의 이론을 대체할 수 있는 하나의 이론으로 제시될 수 있을 것이다. 존 듀이의 공생주의 이론에 대한 연구는 기존의 계획이론분야에서는 제시된 적이 없는 최초의 연구로서, 향후 계획이론 분야의 발전에 있어서 이론적 분석의 한 축을 제시했다는데 본 논문의 기여가 있다고 하겠다.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.1-27
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• 2018

The 10th constitution established in 1987 serves as the theoretical foundation of democracy in South Korea in the 21st century. Respect for human rights, resistance to injustice, and equality consciousness inherent in this constitution do not conflict with the content of Confucian philosophy. This means that the spirit of the constitution of South Korea in the 21st century was formed under the influence of the idea of democracy and Confucian philosophy. However, the 10th constitution attaches importance to the idea of the 'Basic free and democratic order', which was accepted in the Yushin constitution and inherited by the military forces. The Yushin constitution was affected by liberalism that prioritizes freedom over equality rather than supporting the compatibility between freedom and equality. Therefore, policies to expand the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than public welfare or the interests of the public have been implemented frequently. In particular, during the Lee Myeong-bak and Park Geun-hye regimes, many unequal phenomena were mass-produced. Confucian philosophy in the 21st century critically sees this unequal society. Confucian philosophy thinks that a sense of relative deprivation plays a role of alienating humans and emphasizes the importance of equal relationships. In addition, this constitution emphasizes the rule of law. However, the rule of law attaches importance to positive laws when the spirit of the constitution that contains natural law is applied to reality through systems. This rejects autonomous judgments and choices while inducing reliance on heteronomy. These heteronomous laws as such are accompanied by forcibleness. The positive laws as such can degrade humans into passive beings that indiscriminately adapt themselves to frames already set instead of active beings that think freely and creatively. Confucian philosophy regards and criticizes the rule of law as a system that makes humans into a means. Confucian philosophy regards humans as moral beings instead of tools. Confucian philosophy seeks to build a healthy society through morality accomplished through conscious realization of the principles of life. Confucian philosophy regards humans as originally free beings. Therefore, human beings are autonomous beings, not heteronomous beings. According to Confucian philosophy, humans beings that can realize the morality contained in their inner side by themselves to responsibly carry out their own judgments and choices. Therefore, Confucian philosophy, which considers human beings as beings to be trusted instead of beings to be distrusted, attaches importance to the realization of human decency through edification rather than by punishment through the law. This means that human values cannot be kept by the heteronomy termed positive laws but the identity of humans can be maintained by voluntary choices and judgments. As such, the comment of Confucian philosophy on the problems of liberal democracy and positive laws contained in the 10th constitution can be helpful in essentially solving the contradictions of modern South Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

This study aims to examine the continuity of national education between prewar and postwar Japan in the context of nationalism and citizenship education by considering the direction and process of educational reform which has been a turning point in Japanese education policy. It explores the limitations of educational reform at the normative level and institutional and procedural level. Meiji Japan needed to form a united group to support modernization while also cultivating obedient people who supported the emperor, and the modern education system played a major role in achieving this task. After Japan's defeat in World War II, the nation sought to change the framework of authoritarian nationalism inherent in Japanese traditional through educational reforms and achieve the goals of democratization and non-militarization. The postwar educational reform has transformed the educational structure, but democracy and peace orientation have not been rooted internally. Under the backdrop of the Cold War, the education returned to the inverse.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.1
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• pp.343-368
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• 2011

This Study aims to criticize national pension fund governance reform plan of Korea government and to search for an alternative direction of the reform. Firstly, I examine the theoretical basis of the Korean government reform plan by clarifying limits of application of agency theory to the public pension fund governance. Secondly, I try to reconstruct principles of the public pension fund governance with an alternative theoretical view emphasizing democracy principle. Thirdly, I evaluate the government reform plan with the basis of reconstructed pension fund governance principles. The government reform plan is expected to cause retrenchment of democracy and even political autonomy. It also would make worse the problem of pension fund autonomy from the financial market and the risk of the pension fund caused by market turbulence. Finally I suggest alternative direction of the pension fund governance reform emphasizing the democracy principle. This direction contains constructing co-determination structure of the state and the civil society, escalating controling power of the governing body to the administration body, setting the limits of the roles of the state, attaining of the autonomy from the financial market, strengthening organizational and social accountability.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.133-154
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• 2024

This paper aims to provide policy implications by exploring the role of universities in the Quadruple Helix model with a focus on the social sector. The quadruple helices model complements the triple helices model, which has limitations in reflecting social change, to present a process of innovation creation through interaction between various social actors based on the democracy of knowledge. Based on this, this paper proposes a 'social entrepreneurial university' model that applies the results of the review of democracy of knowledge and social innovation theory to the entrepreneurial university model. In the quadruple helix model of social democratization and inclusion, it is important for social entrepreneurial universities to enhance the role of education, while dedicating their teaching and research capacities to creating and facilitating platforms that structure and promote the interaction of a wide range of local actors.