• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.75-88
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• 2021

The film won the Golden Palm Award at the Cannes Film Festival, and received the Academy Award for a non-English-speaking film in February 2020, respectively. It has received a monumental evaluation in the world film history. Overall, this film is about class conflict, and critics evaluate the theme of the film as "badly twisted class gap" and "anger from class." The film expresses an intrinsic conflict embodied in culture as a "tragedy in which no bad person appears," rather than the dichotomous composition of the classical class struggle from Marxism. In other words, this can be seen as expressing the substrated class relationship of the modern society that Pierre Bourdieu had argued. This film has been focused as a controversial target under Korea society with excess of ideology. Politics used to adopt the keyword, 'parasite', for political disputes not only in culture contents world. Paradoxically socialism China did not allow to release film 'Parasite.' On the other hand, Lee O-Yong argues that the movie "Parasite" does not look at social phenomena through a dichotomous perspective, but is viewed through a "double perspective" and evaluates that it does not lose eyes looking at humans through tension. This view is based upon 'Vital Capitalism'. Lee. O-Yong looks at the movie "Parasite" from the perspective of "Vital Capitalism". The theory of Vital Capitalism does not seek to find the root of historical development in class struggle conflicts, but rather figuring out history and society pays attention onto the intrinsic characteristics of life, Topophilia, Neophilia, and Biophilia. Lee Eo-ryeong argues that the development of civilization theory evolved from the stage of Hobbes' Darwinism or predatism to the stage of host vs. parasite of Michel Serres, and onto the stage of Margulis's 'Win-Win (inter-dependence)'. In this paper, after overview of vital capital concept and preceeding research, re-interpretations were tried onto scenes based upon fields from habitus, culture capital. This exploration looks for a alternative for excess of ideology in Korea society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.198-216
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• 2024

This article reevaluates the National Museum of Korea's pivotal actions during the Korean War in the 1950s and its aftermath. It argues that the evacuation of the museum's collection to Busan and the subsequent exhibition "Masterpieces of Korean Art" in the United States in 1957 were not isolated events, but rather interconnected facets of a larger narrative shaping the museum's trajectory. With newly discovered archival evidence, this study unravels the intricate relationship between these episodes, revealing how the initial Busan evacuation evolved into a strategic U.S.-led touring exhibition. Traditionally, the Busan evacuation has been understood solely as a four-stage relocation of the museum's collections between December 1950 and May 1951. However, this overlooks the broader context, particularly the subsequent U.S. journey. Driven by the war's initial retreat of the war, the Busan evacuation served as a stepping stone for evacuation to Honolulu Museum of Art. The path of evacuation took an unexpected turn when the government redirected the collections to the Honolulu Museum of Art. Initially conceived as a storage solution, public opposition led to a remarkable transformation: the U.S. exhibition. To address public concerns, the evacuation plan was canceled. This shift transformed the planned introduction into a full-fledged traveling exhibition. Subsequently approved by the National Assembly, the U.S. Department of State spearheaded development of the exhibition, marking a distinct strategic cultural policy shift for Korea. Therefore, the Busan evacuation, initially envisioned as a temporary introduction to the U.S., ultimately metamorphosed into a multi-stage U.S. touring exhibition orchestrated by the U.S. Department of State. This reframed narrative sheds new light on the museum's crucial role in navigating a complex postwar landscape, revealing the intricate interplay between cultural preservation, public diplomacy, and strategic national interests.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.84 no.1
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• pp.10-21
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• 1995

This study was conducted to compare the changes in the forest resources and the process of establishment and characteristics of the Forest Law in five Northeast Asian Countries, who share the Chinese culture as a common background. The effect of Forest Law on forest resources of each countries is also compared. This study shows that the forest management scheme and the modernistic forest law in the five Northeast Countries were influenced by Japan around the early 20th century. The Forest Laws of the five countries were reestablished after the end of World War II, and now the five countries have their own Forest Law. At present, the five countries are depending on the import of foreign timber for timber supply because of the shortage of domestic timber resources. The Forest Laws of the five countries have a lot of similarities reflecting same cultural background, whereas there are differences originated from social and economic discrepancies. Currently R.O.K. is worst in forest resources compared to the other countries. The Forest Law of R.O.K. has too many articles, which has little direct relationship with forest resources management. Therefore it is recommended to consolidate the law system in the field of forest and forestry in R.O.K. including the amendment of Forest Law directing to sustainable forest and maintaining the efficiency of forest resources management.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.164-183
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• 2020

In the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty, the historic record of Banpo is fragmentary and contains many missing details. The main reason is a lack of associated literature, and it is also significant that the actual substance used is not clear at present. Banpo is a kind of cotton, but this has not been confirmed in the traditional textiles that are currently handed down. The word Ban [斑] in Banpo means "stain", and the letter Po [布] means "fabric". At the border of white discourse, Banpo did not receive attention as a research topic. This study is an attempt to restore some of the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty through Banpo. Banpo is not just limited to the Joseon Dynasty; it is an important material for examining the development of textile culture and exchange in East Asia. This study was broadly divided into three parts. First, the record and meaning of Banpo during the Joseon Dynasty were examined. Records of Banpo can be seen from the early Joseon period during King Sejo and Seongjong, and the production and actual use of Banpo have been confirmed. Banpo was maintained until the beginning of the 20^th century, but is no longer observed. Banpo is a woven fabric made of cotton yarn dyed in many colors and has appeared in Southeast Asia since ancient times. In East Asia, there are other fabrics similar to Banpo, such as Ho [縞], Sum [纖], and Chim [綅]. In particular, the correlation between Banpo and Ho is an important link in understanding Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty. Second, the meaning of Banpo was examined from various angles through comprehensive analysis of Chinese and Japanese literature records and cases. The appearance and development of Banpo moved in sync with the period when cotton was introduced into East Asia. In East Asia, cotton was introduced and produced in earnest from the end of the Song Dynasty to the beginning of the Yuan Dynasty, and the meaning of Banpo was diversified. In China, the name of Banpo was changed to Hwapo [花布], Gizapo [碁子布], Gizahwapo [棋子花布], etc. Japan was late to introduce cotton and developed it in acceptance of the changed meaning. In Japan, use of the name Banpo is not on record, but a Ryujo [柳條] fabric of the same type as banpo has been identified. This Ryujo is the same concept as Ho and Hwapo, and later merged into Ho. Names such as Ho, Hwapo, Banpo, etc. were used differently in each country, but the form was shared across East Asia. Third, based on the meaning of Banpo shared in East Asia, the format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty was classified. The format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty can be divided into grid and striped versions. The name Banpo disappeared over time, but the form remained and was passed down until recently. I hope that this study will help restore Banpo in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.103-114
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• 2020

This study was conducted on Yuanming New Garden in China, which re-lighted the previously lost or damaged original space through representation from the perspective of creating traditional landscape. We looked at the composition of this place, the comparison of relevant literature and actual representation, and the characteristics of representation techniques. The results are as follows. First, TYuanming New Garden is a representation space with the motif of Yunamingyuan in Beijing. An advisory group of some 400 related experts discussed the prototype. The historicity of the real space was considered in the representation process. Second, New Yuanmingyuan garden was recreated based on the 'The Forty Scenic Views of Yuanmingyuan', and 31 of the scenic spots were created. The buildings in each precinct had a 1:1 scale response with structures that were previously constructed in Yuanmingyuan, Beijing. New Yuanmingyuan garden's way in which the main landscape is laid out around the Fuhai Lake(福海), which the landscape is drawn appeared was the same as Yuanmingyuan in Beijing. However, some of the facilities were reproduced on the basis of the 'The Forty Scenic Views of Yuanmingyuan', so they turned out to be different from what Yuanminyuan in Beijing looks like today. New Changchunyuan garden was represented around water landscape of the Western Mansins(Xiyang Lou, 西洋樓) area and the Haeakgaegum(海岳開襟), and the buildings and the facilities were reconstructed based on the 'Copper Print of Western Mansins'. Third, Yuanming New Garden made a prototype of the 'The Forty Scenic Views of Yuanmingyuan' and 'Copper Print of Western Mansins' during the process of synchronic changes in the garden. In addition, the original space and the ambiguous original space or exhibition space were clearly identified through the plant. On the other hand, due to the reenactment of buildings, the spatial composition and placeability of the original spaces of Yuanmingyuan garden and Changchunyuan garden in Beijing were not inherited, and the introduction of elements that did not match traditional landscaping spaces, and the introduction of garden elements that were not prototype and other variations for the use of tourism were found to be drawback.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2020

This study closely analyzed poems and paintings related to Beijing-Palgyeong, as well as ancient maps and ancient writings. Through the study, people who read this study can consider, Beijing-Palgyeong's the process of changing times, changing landscape perception, physical and symbolic landscape elements, structural analysis, national management relationships, and finally how it was localized as symbolic place. The view point of the Beijing-Palgyeong is distributed in four places, one outside and one inside the city. Outside of the capital city of Beijing-Palgyeong were concentrated in Seosan(西山) where the resting place of the emperor and the center of the landscape view of Beijing. The view point of Beijing-Palgyeong inside the capital city is located in two places in the royal palace's Imperial Garden and in two villages around the fortress. In other words, Beijing-Palgyeong was selected as a place closely related to the imperial family, emperor, and royal palace from the time of its initial creation. Since then, many scholars, including the emperor, have used it for national management through Won(元), Ming and Qing Dynasty, and it have become more and more characteristic of 'The capital city of eight scenic views'. The two places inside the capital city praised the Gods and Emperors in the same way. Outside the capital city, the two sites depict the comfortable lives of the people who are governed by the emperor and depicting the village landscape around the city. In the end, it can be seen that most of the Beijing-Palgyeong are related to imperial palaces and emperors. If you look at the physical landscape of Beijing-Palgyeong by element, it mainly contains the contents of national management and the emperor's eulogy. Qianlong Emperor established the Beijing-Palgyeong in 1751 through the construction of a monument. A four-character on the front of the monument, and inscribed with a seven-word written by the person on the back. It can be said that Qianlong Emperor's Beijing-Palgyeong were intended to show off the results of Manchurian rule through the material symbol of the monument. Beijing-Palgyeong have been transformed into a landmark, and modern people use it as an indicator of the Beijing-Palgyeong.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.32-53
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• 2018

The $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$(正倉院) is the detached storage building for Japanese treasures that belongs to $T{\bar{o}}dai-ji$ in Nara, Japan. The reason why $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections are drawing attention is that Japanese artifacts, sculptures, paintings, and other objects that were introduced through the Silk Road, such as Sasanian Persia and India, and those that were introduced from the Unified Silla and Tang China. In addition, hundreds of well-preserved documents of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections play an important role as a historical reference material covering not only the social situation of the time but also the history of exchange of cultural diplomacy and the change of Buddhist doctrine. In particular, some of collections of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ were made in China and may have been imported or received as gifts, but many of the artifacts made in Baekje and Unified Silla are becoming more and more important. This paper examined the research status of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ metal crafts of Korean and foreign scholars, and examined the association with the relics of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ through metal crafts excavated from the Korean Peninsula. The research on the future direction of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections should be summarized as follows. 1. Systematization of state-level support and single window for the research of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 2. Accurate listing and database of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 3. The positive implementation of joint research with Japan and invitation of researchers related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 4. The exchange exhibition between the Korean National Treasures and the $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 5. Expansion of the research base through the publication and support of books related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

Stone has been used for various purposes, such as for building stones, megaliths, ornamental stones, hunting and grinding throughout history. The global stone production amounted to around 153 million tons in 2018 excluding quarry waste, up 0.8% on year. Of them, stone residues accounted for 71%. The worldwide stone trading decreased 1.5 million tons to 56.5 million tons in 2018. The average price of stone was 34.1 USD per square meter, down 2.5% from the previous year. It's down 7% when only considering trading between the world's top twelve exporters. But in the three leading countries, Italy, Greece and Brazil, the price saw a sharp increase. In 2018, stone imports and exports totaled 815 million square meters, raising over 20 billion USD of revenue. Imports were largely led by six countries: China, Italy, Turkey, India, Brazil, Spain and Portugal, from largest to smallest.) In terms of stone use per 1,000 population, it was 117 square meters in 2001, and it increased to 264 square meters in 2017 and 266 square meters in 2018. The volume more than doubled during the period, but it has been declining slightly in recent years. China, India, Saudi Arabia and Belgium were the only countries that the stone use per 1,000 population exceeded 1,000 square meters. The increase rate was steepest in China, India and the United States, from largest to smallest. The global stone production is likely to grow to 69.85 million tons by 2025, despite the global economic downturn.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.1-25
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• 2022

This paper examines whether the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism has a significant relationship with the messianic figure Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) via Honam (湖南) Daoism's Jinindaemangron (眞人待望論, discourse on awaiting an immortal). To this end, the historical implementation of Daoism's social transformation of consciousness in China and Korea is explored, and then the circumstances of Honam Daoism, in particular, are considered. Following that, analysis turns to the 'Jinindaemangron' in the late Joseon Dynasty that developed in Honam. As a result of the discussion, Daoism's social transformation of consciousness was expressed in China through the anti-establishment activities of the early Daoist groups such as Wudoumidao (五斗米道) and Taipingdao (太平道), movements that sought to build utopias. Throughout this process, the term, zhenren (眞人, 'jinin' in Korean), that originally meant 'master,' was transformed into the idea of a future savior. In the case of Korea, the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism can be found in the preface of Nanrang tombstone (鸞郎碑序) written by Choi Chi-won (崔致遠) which was later inherited by the Danhak sect (丹學派) practitioners who struggled against Buddhist monastics. Additionally, examined is the Docham theory of geomancy (圖讖說) that rose after Goryeo, the prophecy of 'Mokjadeuksul (木子得國說 a Lee clansman shall attain the kingdom)' that appeared thereafter, and the Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄)'s 'Jinindaemangron' in the Joseon Dynasty. Next, the circumstances of Honam Daoism can be considered with regards ti Choi Chi-won and Doseon (道詵) in ancient times, and it can be confirmed that Nam Gung-du (南宮斗) and Kwon Geuk-jung (權克中) were entangled behind Kang Jeungsan. The close relationship among the Daoist Jeong family of Onyang (溫陽鄭氏), the Koh family of Jangheung (長興 高氏), and Kwon Geuk-jung was also confirmed in this study. Finally, in dealing with the 'Jinindaemangron' of Honam in the late Joseon Dynasty and the birth of Kang Jeungsan, Honam Daoism's intense consciousness of social transformation receives first focus, and this is expressed through Prophecies of Jeong Gam, and the religious ideologies of Donghak (東學) and Namhak (南學). These expressions are analyzed through Song of Gungeul (弓乙歌), composed by Jeongryeom (鄭磏), and through Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture (典經). As a result, it can be confirmed that the messianic significance of the Kang Jeungsan's advent lay on the basis of the people's desire for an ideal future, which is a notion that had been ripening for several centuries.