• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.177-197
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• 2018

This paper aims to analyze the effects of external uncertainty on the entry modes decision of multinational firms. On the basic assumption that the entry modes of the firms are dependent on ex-ante or ex-post perceived risk, we empirically analyzed the impacts of perceived risk factors on the investment patterns of firms. We found that the larger the population, the higher the level of GDP per capita, and the larger the trade volume as a ratio of GDP resulted in increased M&A FDI and greenfield FDI. The economic growth rate variables were found to be significantly positive effect on only greenfield entry mode. Regarding the main variables, lower levels of corruption and increased stability regarding political issues resulted in the host country receiving increased M&A investment. However, we found only a positive statistical significance of the political stability variable on the explaining greenfield FDI. Results show that M&A entry mode is affected by both corruption and political instability level. However, the greenfield FDI featuring sunk costs, seems more responsive to political instability.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.67-111
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• 2009

지난여름 베트남 남부의 호치민시와 인근의 공장지대는 전례 없는 파업의 확산을 경험했다. 연구자가 만난 한국기업의 매니저들은 이를 "파업의 도미노 현상"으로 묘사했다. 호치민시 노동조합의 고위간부는 "도이머이(Doi Moi) 이후 노사관계에 가장 혼란스러운 변화가 일어나고 있다"라고 단언하기도 했다. 본 연구는 한국계 다국적 공장을 사례로 1) 최근 파업의 정치경제학적 배경은 무엇인지를 살펴본 다음, 2) 왜 어떤 공장은 최근의 파업의 소용돌이 속에서 상대적으로 안전했던 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 3) 왜 어떤 공장은 파업의 과정에서 협상을 성공적으로 이끈 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 4) 최근의 파업이 개별 다국적 공장의 체제에 어떤 사회적, 문화적, 정치적 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 연구자는 연구목적을 위하여 호치민 인근과 동나이에 위치한 약 20여개의 공장을 방문하였으며 서로 다른 특징을 가지고 있는 3개의 섬유공장을 선별하여 현지연구를 실시하였다. 이 가운데 첫 번째 공장은 연구자가 90년대 말 현지연구를 실시하여 공장체제의 성격을 잘 알고 있는 다국적 공장이었다. 나머지 두 공장은 재정 상황과 정치과정의 특징이 첫 번째 공장과 대조될 뿐 아니라 서로 다른 공장이었다. 세 공장을 비교 연구함으로써 연구자는 다국적 공장의 재정적 혹은 경제적 상태가 노동쟁의의 성격을 만드는 주요한 조건이 되지만, 회사의 경제적 조건이 양호하고 경영진이 온정주의적 철학을 실천하고 있다고 해서 파업을 미연에 방지할 수 없다는 점을 보여주고자 하였다. 호치민 인근의 파업이 크게는 세계적인 경제위기, 작게는 회사의 재정상태에 영향을 받고 있지만 특정 공장에서 노동쟁의가 일어나는가의 여부는 이 공장의 정치과정과 레짐의 성격에 의해 좌우된다는 점을 밝히고자 했다. 특히 다국적 공장의 정치과정의 안정을 위해서는 '매개자' 역할을 하는 베트남 중간간부, 사무실 직원, 노조간부 등의 역할이 매우 중요하였다. 이들이 위계적으로 그리고 사회문화적으로 다른 외국인 경영진과 공장 노동자의 갈등을 어떻게 흡수하고 중재하는가에 따라 공장체제의 안정 여부가 달려 있었다. 이번 파업은 각각 다른 정치경제적 조건을 가진 여러 공장의 경영진과 노동자가 이러한 사실을 새삼 깨닫게 하는 계기로 작용했다.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.16-21
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• 2022

사전학습 말뭉치는 위키백과 문서 뿐만 아니라 인터넷 커뮤니티의 텍스트 데이터를 포함한다. 이는 언어적 관념 및 사회적 편향된 정보를 포함하므로 사전학습된 언어 모델과 파인튜닝한 언어 모델은 편향성을 내포한다. 이에 따라 언어 모델의 중립성을 평가할 수 있는 지표의 필요성이 대두되었으나, 아직까지 언어 인공지능 모델의 정치적 중립성에 대해 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 척도는 존재하지 않는다. 본 연구에서는 언어 모델의 정치적 편향도를 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 지표를 제시하고 한국어 언어 모델에 대해 평가를 수행한다. 실험 결과, 위키피디아로 학습된 언어 모델이 가장 정치 중립적인 경향성을 나타내었고, 뉴스 댓글과 소셜 리뷰 데이터로 학습된 언어 모델의 경우 정치 보수적, 그리고 뉴스 기사를 기반으로 학습된 언어 모델에서 정치 진보적인 경향성을 나타냈다. 또한, 본 논문에서 제안하는 평가 방법의 안정성 검증은 각 언어 모델의 정치적 편향 평가 결과가 일관됨을 입증한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.224-237
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• 2020

This study is about motivations of using YouTube channels related to politics and its effects on political socialization. Information acquisition from the political channels of YouTube was analyzed from the perspective of uses and gratifications theory. Then, the effects of the variable factors which can influence the perception-attitude-action of political socializations were reviewed. To understand aforesaid aspects, online survey was conducted targeting male and female adults between 20 to 50-year-old. There were four factors observed for the motivations of using YouTube channels of politics, which were 'entertainment of political satire', 'mental stability', 'convenience of the media', and 'pursuit of information'. The impacts on political socialization were verified with path analysis. Among the various motivations of using YouTube channels, 'convenience of the media' and 'pursuit of information' were the factors that positively affected the acquirement of political knowledges. Political knowledges had meaningful influences on increasing people's interest in politics, and their sense of political efficacy. Increased interest in politics led to higher level of sensing political efficacy, then higher political efficacy positively motivated people to participate in politics. The theoretical and practical implications of the study were also discussed based on the findings.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.35-65
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• 2009

This paper describes the changes in legislative rules in the U.S. House of Representatives and discusses the roles of legislative rules in public policy making. I argue that much of reform experiences in the U.S. House provide good references by which the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea may follow for its reforms. For this, I summarize primary reforms of legislative rules in the U.S. House and discuss dynamics in power distribution between committees and party leadership. These reforms are then reviewed on the basis of political stability, protection of minority rights, and legislative deliberation.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.91-125
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• 2018

This study aims at attempting to make a new interpretation of Mencius from the point of social welfare. The thoughts of social welfare, found from Mencius, are temporal and humanistic and near to those in nowadays. Social welfare began under the name of philanthropic work, relief work, charitable work or social work from the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century on. Welfare means the whole social activities such as satisfying the fundamental desires of the social members, ensuring the conditions of their lives, and ultimately achieving social integration and stability. It means the conditions of their lives and wellbeing. Wellbeing means the minimal physical desires and psychological stability. The realization of the economic system through concept of steady livelihood and steady mind, tax system and well-field system, proposed by Mencius, can be ensured by the whole social activities such as ensuring the stable lives of the social members, enriching and satisfying their happiness and ultimately achieving social integration and stability. The thoughts of Mencius include people-as-root idea, which regards people as most important and tries to solve the instability and inequality that are the structural vulnerabilities in modern capitalist society. His concept of Way of the king means promoting people's sense of happiness through education of morality, based upon the people-as-root idea and filial and fraternal responsibilities. The main ideas of social welfare include living like a human being, ensuring minimal physical and psychological stabilities through social welfare system and welfare policy, enriching human dignity and freedom and enhancing the quality of lives. The thoughts of Mencius include all the above ideas. In particular, he desired to establish ethically and morally stable society by economically implementing the well-field system in Zhou dynasty, based upon politically benevolent governance of the politicians. That society was the people-as-root society, the realization of which was the ideal society Mencius desired to establish, and the goal of his thoughts on social welfare. This study, among the thoughts of Mencius, investigated his ideas on social welfare and the practical ethics for applying them to real society. In addition, to understand his ideas on social welfare, not only the social and economic backgrounds and conditions but also the political ideas at that time were also investigated. This will provide the opportunity to make more in-depth research of the elements of social welfare intrinsically contained in his thoughts.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.221-239
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• 2010

The lineage village is a very characteristic form of village in Korea. Although it was known as having established on the base of the Lineage Law, the complexities of political and economical structures played an important role in the process of establishing the village. The continuous political struggles between the scholar officials forced them to abuse the blood ties as well as the academic and regional relation. Using the disorder of land ownership system, the ruling elite made chances to expand the private land ownership, and these became the fiscal background of the formation of the lineage village and the agglomeration. The capital area's lineage villages were used of fiscal background by scholar officials lived in Hanyang. In the reason of political struggle, the initiator came to Osan-ri in late 16th Century. And in early 17th century, with a government dignitary, Shin Kye-Young, and with the reproduction of population, Osan-ri formed a typical lineage village with many clan households in the late of 17th century.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.