• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Journal of Gifted/Talented Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.493-514
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• 2016

Since the Gifted and Talented Education Promotion Law was enacted 15 years ago, in Korea, gifted education in Korea has continued rapid and quantitative growth. The number of gifted classes or institutes for the gifted have increased, as well as the number of gifted education teachers increasing their participation in professional development training and educational activities. However after 2014, gifted education is somewhat shrinking. Due to the controversy of private education and expansion of social welfare in Korea, administrative and financial support for gifted education is being reduced. This study reviewed the gifted education policies promoted by successive governments and analyzed the relationship between politics and support for gifted education efforts by the government. In addition, the phenomenon of the recently shrinking gifted education in Korean society was analyzed in various aspects. These aspects include: decreasing quantitative growth due to the weakening of administrative and financial support from central and local governments on gifted education, regulations on suppressing private education, social inequality to gifted education access, and lack of solidarity in the gifted education scholastic community. Based on this analysis of gifted phenomenon, ways of developing the ideological and practical aspects of future-oriented gifted education were suggested. In the ideological dimension, it was emphasized that gifted education must move away from insularity and the adhesive perspective of Korean society on the concept of giftedness, the concept of intelligence and the recognition of the legitimacy of gifted education. On the other hand, in the practical dimension, the following points were identified: the collection of empirical data on the economic impact of gifted education, gifted education amendment of the statutes, adaptation of the gifted education program with gifted identification, diversification of gifted education service system, and actively promoting new research topics in relation to the Gifted and Talented Education.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2018

This study analyzes the revision bills of the National Assembly Law in the 19th National Assembly in which the National Assembly Advancement Act was enacted, with the question "who are involved in the revision of the procedural rules, and what motivates them?" The cosponsor network analysis focusing on primary sponsors of the revision bills shows that the network was constructed by party affiliations. A small number of members with high degree centrality attempted to cooperate with each other at the cosponsoring stage, but the legislation did not pass through the related committee. In addition, this study tests the four competitive hypotheses (the committee hypothesis, the distributive politics hypothesis, the ideological distance hypothesis, and the partisan affiliation hypothesis) about the motivation to propose amendments by using the regression models which include newly measured variables. Only the committee hypothesis and the partisan affiliation hypothesis are empirically supported. This implies that partisan consideration is still significant in amending the National Assembly Law even after the National Assembly Advancement Act, and thus party leaders' willingness to seek bipartisan compromises is at the heart of problem-solving.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.25-44
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• 2018

Modern Japanese "Anti-war poetry" originates from Sino-Japanese war and Russo-Japanese war period. Sino-Japanese war was started by an Imperial rescript of war declared and ordered by the Japanese Emperor to the Japanese citizens. With this declaration, the Emperor gave a message to the population that Objection was not acceptable. This Declaration of Imperial Rescript (Shousho) became justified as being a Crusade or Holy war. Any Anti-war stance was considered an ideology of revolt against the Emperor and his order of Imperial rescript (Okotoba). This was why when Akiko Yosano's "Don't you dare lay down your life" (1904) was published, it received harsh criticisms such as "be punished in the name of the nation". Anti-war poetry as a way of free speech was suppressed. Short poem was especially targeted. Because it is seen as a minor genre, short poem has been passed over. It needs to be reappraised for its importance as a category of anti-war poetry. Notably, modern short poem (New Senryu) has been under oppression and relentless surveillance because of its stance of criticizing politics and society in general by making full use of satire and irony. A supreme example of satirizing of Imperial Rescript on education was the "An anti-war poetry" by Akiri Tsuru. This treatise is a study of how ironical technique from "An anti-war poetry" inverts the meaning of "Imperial decree" and "Imperial rescript".

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.441-453
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• 2020

This study looked at the concretizing process of the Free Semester Policy(as is the FSP). The concretizing process of policy refers to the process in which the major components of policy idea are changing through the agenda setting and policy decision process. To this end, we collected major policy documents related to the FSP from the pledge of the presidential candidate to the implementation plan of the FSP and the oral data of key personnel of the FSP, and analyzed the concretizing process of the policy focusing on the policy objectives. As a result, it was found that the policy objectives of the FSP were presented in a more comprehensive and ambiguous form through the agenda setting and policy decision process. The emphasized direction of policy has also changed over and over. This phenomenon offers several implications for understanding education policy. First, it should be understood that the objectives of education policy presented at a specific point in time are provisional. Second, the change in policy objectives may have occurred in the process of securing the legitimacy of policy promotion. Third, it is necessary to pay more attention to the relationship between policy and politics. In order to properly promote an education policy based on the common sense and needs of the public, a mature education policy discussion culture is required.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.53-71
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• 2024

Digital transformation calls for a new social contract that must transform the existing norms and paradigms of our society. Digital constitutionalism is a way of building new order through a new social contract and is an ideology that aims to establish and ensure a normative framework for the protection of fundamental rights and balance of power in the digital environment. The Internet/Digital Bill of Rights is a representative example of constitutionalization based on this ideology. Initially, it took the form of an informal, non-binding declaration led by civil society organizations or various stakeholders, setting forth normative principles adapted to the changing nature of digital society. More recently, they have taken the form of formal charters, declarations, or laws containing principles at the national or regional level. The "Digital Bill of Rights" proposed by the Korean government can be seen as an example of this trend, but it does not fully reflect the recent trend of Internet/Digital Bills of Rights in terms of substantive and procedural legitimacy. Even if the government provides a certain normative direction, it needs to be combined with a concrete action plan in each area to create a balance of norms with digital technologies and industries instead of simply being a "declaration".