• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.751-781
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• 2018

Task of circling the pagoda of Waljeongsa(Woljeongsa Tabdori) is the major intangible cultural heritage with representativeness and historical meaning as a Buddhism culture, one of the Buddhism folk plays, which was firstly played after the liberation. Woljeongsa Tabdori holds significant designation importance in terms of Buddhism folklore heritage with Korean unique tradition and identity of Gangwon-do province. Temples are demonstrating Tabdori nationwide but Woljeongsa Tabdori is the unique case that systematically inherits the culture based on the designation of being intangible cultural heritage. That is why it is needed to focus on the cultural and internal value of Woljeongsa Tabdori. Tabdori is the integrated symbol of Buddhism respect and worship to the Buddha and pagoda. It is hard to presume the originality of Woljeongsa Tabdori: given the history of Woljeonsa temple, it lies into Goguryeo traditional play and Bokhui(Pagoda circling folk play) in Silla era. It fits into the courtesy of Circumambulating Stupa considering Moon in Goguryo mural, background of Odaesan Hwaeom thought/tripitaka and essence of Octagonal 9-story stone pagoda. At the first stage of Tabdori, Buddhist musical instruments such as Buddhism temple bell, singing bowl, cloud-shaped gong and wooden-fish. However, later, Samhyeon Yukgak has been added and then, Boyeom and Bakpaljeongjinga were singing: it could be interpreted that it was a pure Buddhist ceremony but it has become to have traditional aspect and been spread to the public. The origin of Woljeongsa Tabdori is related to the explanation of Circumambulating Stupa that experiences the glory of the ending ceremony. When a temple has a rite, the Buddhists make an offering to the Buddha. At that time, Buddhist prayer, sermon and chant are followed. After the rite, the Buddhists are circling the pagoda with the monks while praying for Buddhist charity and making their own wishes. It prays not only going after death to Nirvana of the one but also national prosperity and the welfare of the people for peaceful reign. As the temple holds bigger rites, many Buddhists gather and the Tabdori was a success. The scene of circling the pagoda and making own wishes in line with the Buddhist sermon was solemn. The idea on changes and convergence of Woljeongsa Tabdori requires strategic inheritance to promote the transmission while maintaining the paragon and purpose of designating the cultural heritage and reviving its identity. Korean Tabdori was held in Buddha's birthday in April and the mid-autumn day. Tabdori is a memorial service type Buddhist ceremony that once the monk holds the Buddhist rosary, circles the pagoda and sings the great mind and charity of the Buddha, Buddhists follow the step, lighting the lantern, circling the pagoda and praying for the gentle and easy death. Transmission education of the successor, diversified approach of the expert's advice and discourse on the revival of the origin should be reinforced in phases.

• Issues in Feminism
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.149-206
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• 2018

This essay is focused on finding women's voice in oral narratives of social memory of national violence and resistance. The books of oral narratives of women who had experienced the national violence and participated in the resistance through historic events such as 5.18, have been published recently. This study is based on the materials that have interviewed women experienced the historic event '5.18' in Gwangju. In this study, there are analyses of the materials of the memory of violence and resistance of '5.18', which have contained the texts written by intellectual males and the oral narratives of females directly involved. So far, the memory and experience of women have not been presented in its entirety in the field of social discourse of '5.18'. In the field women's words were translated in men's words, so the real words disappeared and in the end remained unspoken words. And besides, the existence of women are substituted with the limited images (for example women's body destroyed) presented by men's words in memorial materials. In narratives of '5.18', women are reduced to the images of bodies destroyed by national violence. The destroyed bodies are places for exhibition and disclosure of national violence. Women are not presented as the subjects of the social resistance in oral or written narratives of '5.18'. The images of females are only vehicles to urge the male subjects to resist against unjust violence. In this context, men are interpreted for the protectors of sisters, daughters, wives. Since 1980s, the symbol of '5.18 Gwangju' has represented the most ideal community in Korean society. But women have been on the borderline or outside of the community in fact. However, women intend to construct themselves as the subjects of resistance through the spoken words. They have tried to make the politic places for themselves in the social field by speaking and speaking constantly. The desire to speak out is becoming stronger for women, so these days more words are spoken by more women and more oral narratives made by women are revealed in social discoursive field. So the place for women's voice is expanding in social memorial field of '5.18'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.78-88
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• 2015

In the 1920s, the period of cultural governance ruled by Japan, the diverse media were founded and various events were conducted to boost circulation. Under the Japanese colonial period in 1920s, a number of media - newspapers and magazines - were published and often they carried out entertaining events in order to obtain more subscribers. A hobby magazine, Samchunri, for instace, set up a media event to selecting Korea's eight beautiful scenary (Bandopalgyong) for the first edition in 1929. The paper aims to analyse and understand the perception of landscape in 1929 through the media event carried out by Samchunri. In particular, the selection was made by well-known writers within Japanese colonial period 1910 - 1945). The selection process and views from the writers on landscape were analysed; firstly, the selection of Bandopalgyong was carried out by questionnaires to writers in 1929 where Korea is under Japanese colonial rules. The conditions of the selection were unknown; however, the purpose was enlightening the people specially the youngs and introduction of beautiful places in Korea. As a result, views and opinions on Bandopalgyong by the writers were progressed. Secondly, within the Bandopalgyong, the natural landscape areas include Gumgansan(金剛山), Daedonggang(大洞江), Buyeo(扶餘), Gyongju(慶州), Myongsasipri (明沙十里), Haundae(海雲臺), Baekdusan(白頭山), and Choksukru(矗石樓). Those chosen places were not cohesive nor did not have any consistant reasons to be chosen in terms of size and location; however, some writers claimed that there were other places to match the chosen ones and therefore, the selection process was highly dependent on access (i.e. transport). Thirdly, the travelogue on Baekdusan and Nackwhaam(洛花岩) illustrated interesting views on landscape in particular. Baekdusan landscape were described in overlaping with long history and national soul. In the Nackwhaam travelogue, it described 'Buyeo (夫餘) was an ancient capital of Backjae Dynasty and empty place' as well as denying Chosun Dynasty. It was assumed that the two places weren't visited but rewritten with existing literatures. Fourthly, edited by Kim Dong Whan, a travelogue style book, 'Bandosanha' was published in 1941. It did repeat the selection of Bandopalgyong, but this time, it was classified the eight beautiful landscape into two categories; historic/cultural places and natural landscape. This paper was able to analyse and understand the perception of landscape in 1929 through the travelogue of Samchunri. It is an empirical study on the process and perception on Korea landscape under Japanese colonical period by views of the selected writers.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.30 no.6
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• pp.1312-1320
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• 1998

Some commercial beef loins in raw state were packaged with PVDC as aerobic and vacuum condition. The other beef samples were cooked until core temperature arrived at $70^{\circ}C$ and then packaged immediately in the same way as the raw state. These samples were irradiated by electron beam (0, 1, 2 kGy), and then stored in refrigerator $(2{\sim}4^{\circ}C)$. Identity and quantity of cholesterol oxides were analysed at the 0, 7th, 14th day of storage. In the samples that were raw and packaged aerobically, $7{\alpha}-hydroxycholesterol,\;{\beta}-epoxide,\;7{\beta}-hydroxycholesterol$ and 7-ketocholesterol were detected over $0.5\;{\mu}g/g$. Cholestanetriol and${\alpha}-epoxide$ were detected at levels below $0.5\;{\mu}g/g$ during storage. In the samples that were raw and vacuum-packaged, $7{\alpha}-hydroxycholesterol$, 7-ketocholesterol and cholestanetriol were detected. In the samples that were cooked and packaged aerobically, cholestanetriol and ${\alpha}-epoxide$ were detected below $0.5\;{\mu}g/g$ during storage. $7{\alpha}-hydroxycholesterol,\;{\beta}-epoxide,\;7{\beta}-hydroxycholesterol$and 7-ketocholesterol were detected as $1.53{\sim}26.81,\;1.07{\sim}5.23,\;40.64{\sim}101.30\;and\;7.16{\sim}33.91\;{\mu}g/g$, respectively. In all results, total amounts of cholesterol oxide increased significantly as irradiation dose and storage time increased (P<0.05).

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.43
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• pp.177-206
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• 2015

This paper is written in order to research for the contents and expression of HanYongUn's Sijo. HanYongUn is very famous as monk and independent campaigner, modern poet in Korea. He wrote many kinds of literary works, for example, many modern poetry, modern novels, Sijo, Chino-Korean Poetry etc. It's very exceptional that he wrote a lot of Korean traditional Sijo and Chino-Korean Poetry. Because he was a many modern poet as same as modern novelist. So studying on his Sijo can help someone to understand the essence of HanYongUn's all literature. That's why I'm studying on HanYongUn's Sijo. The firstly, in aspect of the the contents of HanYongUn's Sijo, HanYongUn was expressing three kinds of themes, that is ideology, reality, daily life in his Sijo. The ideology consists of Buddhism and Confucianism and the reality is related with social conditions, the daily life is deeply connected with Nim. These features of his Sijo are different from his modern poetry and Chino-Korean Poetry which had a simple theme, for example, love with Nim, daily life. The secondly, in aspect of the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo, I studied the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo in three angles, that is, vocabulary and the developing of poet thinking, rhetorics. HanYongUn used essential words for expressing three kinds of themes effectively in his Sijo. And he was developing of his poet thinking by three steps in his Sijo. He applied several representative rhetorics to his Sijo, those are question and answer, exclamation, irony, distich etc. Even though I studied the characteristics of HanYongUn's Sijo in two aspects But there could be the other things to study about these kinds of theme. I might continue researching the other kinds of theme next time in the near future.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.175-200
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• 2018

From the point of view of the law and public morals in Yi-dynasty, it is possible to discover new meanings in the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee, the conflicts between Chunhyang and Hakdo-Byeon, and the rescue of Chunhyang by Mongryong-Lee as a secret royal inspector. First, although the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee was against the law and public morals of Yi-dynasty, the narrator did not call to account, but he described the love as a romantic and new one conflicting with the ruling system. And it was an unprecedented case that Chunhyang asked a written contract as a legal guarantee for marriage when Mongryong-Lee courted her. Second, Hakdo-Byeon, the Namwon county governor, accused Chunhyang, a female entertainer of the Namwon county, of disobedience to his oder and contempt of him, and interrogated her with torture when she denied his demand for bed service which was prohibited by law. Chunhyang refuted against him and regarded his demand for bed service as the rape of a married woman. In this process, narrator sharply contrasted Chunhyang's claim for human rights with Hakdo-Byeon's legal administration. Characters such as people of Namwon county and king did not call Mongryong-Lee to account for that he, as a secret royal inspector, allegedly used his power privately to rescue his sweetheart Chunhyang from Hakdo-Byeon's illegal oppression. These different judgements on legal administrations of Hakdo-Byeon and Mongryong-Lee came from the legal emotion of characters and reading publics of . Namely, people who sympathized with Chunhyang's claim for love and human rights had the legal emotion that Mongryong-Lee's administrative order suspending Hakdo-Byeon's govenor's status could be approved as an legal and exciting one. Therefore the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee implied a new legal emotion which based on the sympathy with Chunhyang's human rights consciousness, and regarded the positive law of Yi - dynasty as one behind times.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.187-242
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• 2022

This article was conducted with the purpose of finding the religious meaning of Jeongeup (井邑) by paying attention to two areas of inquiry. The first examines religious interpretations of the place names of peaks, mountains, and villages that have already existed have existed since ancient times. The second area of inquiry looks into religious narratives about Jeongeup that appear in scriptural records of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) as performed by Kang Jeungsan. Looking at these to areas of inquiry together, the place names and topography inherent in Jeongeup and Kang Jeungsan's various Jeongeup-related Reordering Works, can be summarized as embodying characteristics of 'beginning (始)' and 'origin (本)' which can be further likened to the meaning of 'water (水)' in a 'well (井).' First, Jeongeup equates to the heavenly origin of the Gucheon Sangje (Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven) faith in Jeungsan Thought. Mangje (Emperor-awaiting) Peak is a peak that represent the wish for the Lord's descent to earth. Seonmang (Immortal-awaiting) Village is a village that was waiting for an immortal. Jeung (Steamer-on-Cauldron) Mountain (Jeungsan 甑山) is a mountain on the earth and also the honorific name later taken by Kang Il-Sun. In relation to Jeungsan, it is interpreted that Jeungsan was born and incarnated in the village as a human in response to a plea from all divine sages, buddhas, and bodhisattvas, who had existed since the dawn of time and came to wish for salvation of humankind. This is because both Mangje Peak and Seonmang Village are connected to the meaning of 'mang (望 to await).' Second, the Reordering Works of Jeungsan which related to Jeongeup show that Jeongeup has carries the meaning of 'beginning (始源)' and 'origin (本源).' The character, Jeong (井), in Jeongeup is seen as a place that contains water energy, and symbols and allusions referring to this can be found in various Reordering Works. As a symbol or allusion, the well can be seen as a new start, the lives of all people of the world, the purification of the world, and returning to the original root everything. These symbolic images can be found in the life of Kang Jeungsan from his incarnation to his passing into Heaven. This is because Jeong can allude to the origin by the Ninth Heaven, the beginning of the Later World's paradisiacal land of immortals, and the end of the Former World (Seoncheon 先天).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.1-25
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• 2022

This paper examines whether the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism has a significant relationship with the messianic figure Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) via Honam (湖南) Daoism's Jinindaemangron (眞人待望論, discourse on awaiting an immortal). To this end, the historical implementation of Daoism's social transformation of consciousness in China and Korea is explored, and then the circumstances of Honam Daoism, in particular, are considered. Following that, analysis turns to the 'Jinindaemangron' in the late Joseon Dynasty that developed in Honam. As a result of the discussion, Daoism's social transformation of consciousness was expressed in China through the anti-establishment activities of the early Daoist groups such as Wudoumidao (五斗米道) and Taipingdao (太平道), movements that sought to build utopias. Throughout this process, the term, zhenren (眞人, 'jinin' in Korean), that originally meant 'master,' was transformed into the idea of a future savior. In the case of Korea, the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism can be found in the preface of Nanrang tombstone (鸞郎碑序) written by Choi Chi-won (崔致遠) which was later inherited by the Danhak sect (丹學派) practitioners who struggled against Buddhist monastics. Additionally, examined is the Docham theory of geomancy (圖讖說) that rose after Goryeo, the prophecy of 'Mokjadeuksul (木子得國說 a Lee clansman shall attain the kingdom)' that appeared thereafter, and the Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄)'s 'Jinindaemangron' in the Joseon Dynasty. Next, the circumstances of Honam Daoism can be considered with regards ti Choi Chi-won and Doseon (道詵) in ancient times, and it can be confirmed that Nam Gung-du (南宮斗) and Kwon Geuk-jung (權克中) were entangled behind Kang Jeungsan. The close relationship among the Daoist Jeong family of Onyang (溫陽鄭氏), the Koh family of Jangheung (長興 高氏), and Kwon Geuk-jung was also confirmed in this study. Finally, in dealing with the 'Jinindaemangron' of Honam in the late Joseon Dynasty and the birth of Kang Jeungsan, Honam Daoism's intense consciousness of social transformation receives first focus, and this is expressed through Prophecies of Jeong Gam, and the religious ideologies of Donghak (東學) and Namhak (南學). These expressions are analyzed through Song of Gungeul (弓乙歌), composed by Jeongryeom (鄭磏), and through Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture (典經). As a result, it can be confirmed that the messianic significance of the Kang Jeungsan's advent lay on the basis of the people's desire for an ideal future, which is a notion that had been ripening for several centuries.