• Trans-
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• 제12권
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• pp.141-171
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• 2022

This study was conducted to understand media and cultivate personality by using media as data for personality education. To achieve this purpose, the Personality Education Promotion Act and the Korea Educational Development Institute's personality virtues were selected as educational elements, and a personality education program using media was developed in combination with the middle school curriculum. For this study, first, in order to extract personality virtues, 13 personality virtues were finally selected as educational elements by comparing and synthesizing the personality virtues of the Personality Education Promotion Act and the Korea Education Development Institute. The final personality virtues selected are self-esteem, courage, sincerity, self-regulation, wisdom, consideration, communication, courtesy, social responsibility, cooperation, citizenship, justice, and respect for human rights. Second, in order to select media and set the direction of development of personality education programs, the process of collecting media data was confirmed, and the direction and goal of the program were set by analyzing the middle school curriculum. Third, in order to propose a method of applying a personality education program using media, the personality grafting unit was selected by referring to the commentary on all subjects of the 2015 revised curriculum.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.9-44
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• 2020

This article aimed to looked back at the 1960s, which were assessed to be 'the age of essays', to survey denotations of essays, amplified by the discourse antagonism surrounding 'essays' and the writings of philosophers. Kim Hyeong Suk, Ahn Byeong Uk, and Kim Te Gil were philosophy professors of Yonsei University, Soongshil University, and Seoul National University and writers of numerous essay collections of the 1960s. However, there have been very few studies conducted on them. This is because of old prejudices within literary history that primarily undervalue essays and practices that try to limit them as 'Literariness'. Essays of the 1960s became the flavor of the times based on democratic demands that attempted to objectify individual experiences and grounds that passed through the war and the April 19 Revolution. The language of philosophers was expropriated through the various senses of first person writing to readers of the times, which lacked civil culture and national morality. Deficits in public spheres of the 1950s and 1960s were filled by Kim Hyeong Suk's narrations of comfort and conquest based on historic experiences, Ahn Byeong Uk's logic of self-discipline and knowledge based on democracy, and Kim Te Gil's humor and introspection that objectified the lives of the petit bourgeois. However, as the essays of philosophers failed to connect with the public discourse of the age, they were unable to go as far as sparking or serving as a medium for civil culture in the 1970s. Regardless, as essays rose historically in the 1960s, thought was given to the characteristics of the 'essay' genre and in connection, to the merits and demerits of cultural history that possesses the language of philosophers.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• 제51권3호
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• pp.223-250
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to define the concept of media information literacy and to develop educational content. To achieve the purpose of the study, literature analysis, interviews with field experts, and surveys with teacher librarians were conducted. The field experts recognized the media as a tool to use information and recognized information problem-solving skills, reading comprehension ability, media functions, case activities, and affective domain as the areas of media information literacy education. The teacher-librarians thought that information and media literacy which include its competency and educational content are more important than the digital literacy. As a result of the study, the concept of media information literacy was defined as knowledge, skills, and attitudes including the concepts of literacy, media literacy, information literacy, and digital literacy. In addition, educational contents of media information literacy were developed so that 'participation in democratic society', 'classification of media tools and contents', 'basic human rights', 'skills', 'digital tool manipulation' and 'information problem solving process' can be combined and applied in context.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• 제55호
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• pp.165-208
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• 2018

This paper will address why records management innovation needs to be considered and sought again in 2017 when Korea's new government was inaugurated, and it suggests the direction and strategies of the innovation. Now is time to inherit the innovative spirit of Roh's Participatory Government based on new methods and contents with immanent criticism. This paper proposes the innovation for the "records management by everyone," where everyone involved needs to participate in and proceed with the innovation for the sake of democracy. Not just government offices but also corporations and even ordinary people need to participate in the process of records management and share the results. Records management is necessary and required in places where democracy is practiced, where historical events occur, and where technologies are continuously innovated around the world. This paper proposes 12 strategies and 35 tasks in 6 sectors where records management is required at present. In addition, it also suggests a methodological innovation for using the latest technologies, communicating with every entity, and governing decision-making.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제33권
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• pp.87-114
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• 2006

The concept of alternative sphere is terminologically various; resistance media, counter media, minjung media, grassroots media, underground media, alternative media, civic media, etc. Each terminology reflect the feature of times and the emphasis of advocator. This article explore the transformation of alternative public sphere and its motive in Korea. In a world, Korea's alternative public sphere has changed as following: resistance media and liberty media in 70', counter media and minjung media in 80', alternative media in 90', and alternative media and civic media in 2000'. The motive of transformation is basically the expansion of civil society and extension of social movement in Korea. As social movement's character has changed, the feature of alternative public sphere has also changed. Minjung movement played key role of social movement in 1980', the alternative public sphere characterized as minjung media or counter media which was based on working class consciousness. After this, According as civil movement have initiative of social movement, the character of alternative public sphere changed by alternative media and civic media. Besides, this article argue that the alternative public sphere of Korea has changed dialectically with social movement.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• 제12권4호
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

In April, 1995, ANC government was established in South Africa. The Black government set up Truth and Reconciliation Committee in November, 1995. The Committee investigated approximately 50,000 cases for 3years. Through this process, Black and White in SA could be united into one. Finally, the system of racial discrimination, lasting for about 300 years, was abolished. The Committee played a role as a social infra-structure, which was to perform and solidify democracy in SA. Reconciliation, agreement, Participation, equality, Communication, and Reformation of law system were practically implemented by the Committee. Many people evaluate TRC's activity, which had the reformative and democratic character of the object of investigation, investigative criterion, investigative process, and the approval of investigative result. But De Klerk evaluates that TRC retaliated the White with legal. J. Cronin evaluates that TRC transiently change democracy of the South Africa, and many other social movement groups had a negative view about TRC. But the Black and White in South Africa transformed 'discriminated society' into 'united one'. The Committee took the initiative in such a change. The Committee was not an organization needed for the policy, but the committee was the policy itself to change the former society to the new one. Now The ANC government was forwarding TRC's roles and functions to the truth and reconciliation bureau of the Justice Department for further action. The ANC government has to execute some policy for social reconciliation. Firstly, the government needs to build construction social and national system for making close investigation into the White's historical guilt. Secondly, it must be executed to TRC's recommendation pursuit social reform of social infra-structure in the South Africa. Thirdly, The government should execute policy for the Black's right as labors and social member. Lastly, the government must investigate still-remaining historic state violence and infringement of human right for social reconciliation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.147-156
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• 2017

This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제57권
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Informatization Policy
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.

• 동북아역사논총
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• 제59호
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.