• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.166-176
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• 1997

To investigate the vegetation structure of Fraxinus mandshurica communith, twenty plots were set up and surveyed in the valley of Mt. Minjuji area that rises 700~1,100m above the sea level. Each plot has 100m$^{2}$ in size. By using the TWINSPAN of classification technique, total plots was divided into six communities. In the species composition analysis, it was expected that F. mandshurica community would derive from Quercus mongolica community. The F. mondshurica community was composed together of Carpinus laxiflora, Acer mono and Cornus controversa. It was turned out that F. mandshurica community was edaphic climax because the competition species not appeared. In the DBH distribution analysis, F. mandshurica appeared through all layers, and species diversity showed lower index(Shannon's index 0.72~0.82) because the community was stable. The number of mean individuals and species was about 111.5 and 11.0 per 100m$^{2}$ respectively.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

This article examines not the term "the public" or "publics"-which has various meanings-but its particular meaning, which is a group of citizens who engage in political discussion and debate with fellow citizens in order to form shared understandings and common judgments with regard to contemporary affairs and public issues. The goal of this article is to show the importance of this concept in critical studies of media and society and to analyze how this concept has been accepted in South Korean critical communication studies. In this article, critical communication studies refer to communication studies that aim to explore social meanings of communication phenomena. This article argues that little attention has been paid to the concept of the public as agreement-oriented discursive political participants in South Korean critical communication studies.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.204-214
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• 2011

This article attenpts to analyze, from the perspective of post-colonialism, 'Goemul'(English title, The Host), the Korean blockbuster movie that scored the greatest box-office success in the history of the Korean cinema. As Goemul eagerly copies the monster movie, a representative genre of Hollywood movies, it has close affinity with Hollywood blockbuster movie in many repects. At the same time, however, it also contains a resistance discourse that criticizes and mocks colonial of Korean society under American influences. This movie successfully carries out a post-colonial cultural translation that transforms mimicry into resistance to colonialsim. Hence, this artcle focuses on how Goemul borrows many aspects of the Hollywood monster movie but goes beyond the simple copying of it to reach post-colonial signification subverting the existing cultural regime.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.60 no.3
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• pp.201-230
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• 2008

While the constitutional states emerged in the period of the constitutional monarchies to protect freedom and property of citizens from a illegal trespass of monarchs, the passive role of the constitutional states to protect them was changed in the modern parliamentary democracy in which the state is to play an active role to realize the basic rights. Today the state giving chances and social benefits to citizens plays a very important role so that the people may to enjoy a free life as a citizen. In the modern parliamentary democracy the role of the state, therefore, is transformed form passive roles to active ones realizing the basic rights for citizens. The active role of the state to embody the basic rights asks the parliament to bear more the responsibility for making laws than ever before. In the modern welfare state social rights are also recognized as a basic right. In this sense the parliament should play a active role to realize the social rights. But the Korean parliament excessively turns over his legislative right on the basis of a delegated legislation to the Administration. It does not fulfill its responsibility for which the modern parliamentary democracy asks. To realize the social rights the Korean parliament should play a more active role.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.189-231
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• 2005

This study examined image restoration strategies of political parties regarding the Presidential impeachment In Korea. The analytic framework of this study was Benoit's rhetorical theory of image restoration strategies. Results showed that both Hanara Party and Minju Party used attack accuser as a major image restoration strategy. However, Hanara Party changed their strategies from attack accuser to future oriented. Thus, Hanara Party's image restoration strategy successfully applied Coombs theory, which future oriented strategy was good for an organization of the high responsibility in the context of crisis situation.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.12
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• pp.35-44
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• 2019

This study analyzes the relationship between OECD DAC aid and recipients' corruption based on the good governance discussion. The study applies a fixed-effect model and PCSE model with a dataset of 43 African countries' corruption perception index, World Bank data, Polity IV, and OECD DAC aid statistics between 2000 and 2014. A statistical analysis confirmed that OECD DAC aid has a negative impact on corruption in African countries. DAC's aid affects negatively to corruption in African countries, especially in countries where democracy has matured. This research suggests that a more comprehensive follow-up study of the OECD DAC's good governance-oriented aid. Simultaneously, the general democratic effect on the recipients' institutions could not be applied in African countries, when considering regional peculiarities.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.23-44
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to review the trend in comparative education research related to curriculum published in the Korean Journal of Comparative Education, and to critically analyze its characteristics from the postcolonial perspectives. In this study, I analyzed 61 articles published in this journal from 1995 to 2016. The result showed that comparative studies related to curriculum were conducted mainly by benchmarking policies or contents related to curriculum and textbooks of Western countries including North America and Europe as well as Japan which colonized Korea. In addition, although Korea has been changing into multicultural society, studies on Asian countries such as China and Vietnam which are the nationalities of many foreigners living in Korea were rare. Based on the results, this study suggested that the expansion of comparative education research subjects, overcoming of coloniality in comparative education, and ontological reflection of comparative education researchers are necessary.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

This study aims to examine the continuity of national education between prewar and postwar Japan in the context of nationalism and citizenship education by considering the direction and process of educational reform which has been a turning point in Japanese education policy. It explores the limitations of educational reform at the normative level and institutional and procedural level. Meiji Japan needed to form a united group to support modernization while also cultivating obedient people who supported the emperor, and the modern education system played a major role in achieving this task. After Japan's defeat in World War II, the nation sought to change the framework of authoritarian nationalism inherent in Japanese traditional through educational reforms and achieve the goals of democratization and non-militarization. The postwar educational reform has transformed the educational structure, but democracy and peace orientation have not been rooted internally. Under the backdrop of the Cold War, the education returned to the inverse.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.51-73
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• 2016

The study aims to examine the achievements and shortcomings of adult political education that had been conducted in former Eastern Germany following German unification. More specifically, the study focuses on drawing some policy suggestions and implications for carrying out adult political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea. In fact, former East Germans after German unification needed to receive political education to adjust to a new social system and get related various informations that they had never experienced before. In this context, former East Germans were provided with political education on democratic political system, capitalism, and various laws and regulations that they need to know to get used to a new social system. However, the results of the study indicate that adult political educational system in the former Eastern Germany shows some shortcomings regarding former East Germans' indifference about political education, educational contents which was not cut out for East Germans, and absence of proper methodological approaches. Furthermore, the study points out that North Koreans' educational background and their experiences in North Korea should be considered when selecting subjects and contents of political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.257-283
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is primarily to examine models of collective decision-formation and decision-making. The goal is to propose a model of decision-formation and decision-making that is appropriate for a democratic society. Habermas distinguishes these models of decision-formation and decision-making by liberal, republican, and deliberative political models according to their justification types. Axel Honneth, on the other hand, is divided into three models of liberalism, proceduralism, and republicanism. I want to divide the model of possible decision-making in democratic society into three, that is, the model based on force, the model based on procedure, and the republican model. This distinction will identify the characteristics of each decision-making model and this confirmation will help us find the best decision-making model for a democratic society. In the end, I will combine the republican model with the procedural model. For this synthesis, I will also propose three conditions in modern society. I will argue that the three conditions of collective intelligence, active freedom, and horizontal networks are necessary.