• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

This research, which sought to conjecture the formation process of tribal landscape while confirming the method and characteristic of place attachment of the Haeju Oh Family, which is rooted within the village and the Yongwon Pavilion and Garden of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam, reached the following conclusion based on the interpretation and analysis of cultural and scenic elements such as the names and sculptures nearby the village and Yongwon Pavilion and Garden. This place is where Goohwagong Oh Sue, a Haeju person, settled down. This is also where his descendants were refined while yearning for their ancestors. The Yongwon Pavilion was established in 1964. It can be sufficiently known that this place was managed and maintained as a garden-like place where the spirit of yearning was shared and which was the basis of the life and entertainment of descendants after being the monumental place for Master Oh Guhwa, through stories, documents, nearby facilities, and writings on many rocks. It is clear that the meaning of 'Bang-Hak(訪鶴) and Jung-Hak (停鶴)' which is carved in many places around this area and Gohak-ri, which symbolizes the Hakbong(crane peak), the vein of Wonjak-dong which is one of the Ahneuisamdong(three outstanding scenic places of Ahneui), is a scenic language explaining the ecological settlement and lives of the Haeju Oh Family. When considering the definition of a sense of place as "a 'social device' made by discussions and practice rather than its existing as a substance," the many structures scattered around the village, Yongwon Pavilion Garden, and nearby designations show the monumental place inheritance of tribal group clearly exhibiting the characteristics of a Korean sense of place. Ever since Guhwagon Oh Sue settled down in Guhak-ri, the tribal group of Haeju Oh Family went through a life settlement phase and landscape formation phase by realizing the sense of place. Afterwards, while yearning for ancestors and repeatedly rooting down in the place, territoriality expanded and the place was reproduced. In particular, timber houses and monuments were constructed during the Japanese Colonization Period, and after independence, the Yongwon Pavilion was constructed through place reproduction, and monumental tribal landscape is currently being expressed in various forms to this day. Thus, allowing to reach the conclusion of 'Tribal Landscape of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeong, Geochang-gun,' which we perceive today. The products of territorial expansion formed by the repeating phenomenon of place rootedness and place attachment by tribal groups are in fact the substance of tribal landscape. Through such, it is possible to confirm the true spirit of place attachment and the earnest interest and affection of descendants towards a unique place that is repeatedly constructed and inherited within the group memory.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.85-113
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• 2005

This paper's target is two music books, 100 man's Gagok songs and 88 woman's Gagok songs compiled by Kim Kee-soo. The next is an interpretation on 9 subject classifications. 1. There is a similiarity in subject between $\lceil$kyobonyukdaesijo's collection$\rfloor$ and man's Gagok song. 2. There is a wide difference in man and woman's love subject between man's Gagok songs and woman's Gagok songs. 3. The subject changes as Gagok progreasses. 4. There are many nameless writers in the prograss of Nong$\cdot$Na k$\cdot$Peon. 5. Taepeongga, whose theme is to enjoy pleasure, forms the last beauty. Sijo poem's subjects, which belongs to the noble class, shows the mode of scholar's elegant life at that time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2020

This study examines the universal meaning of the roof-end tile, our cultural property, and especially focuses on an ontological interpretation of the "Smile of Silla" roof-end tile. In addition, the problem of good and evil read here is considered in connection with the universal problem of philosophy. The issue of good and evil is a theme in philosophy, theology, religion, and culture that will endure throughout human history in both the East and the West. Augustine and Schelling inquired deeply into the source of evil and obtained an answer to this question based on their methods, but their answer is not universal or absolute, or an answer that applies to everyone. This is because the issue of good and evil possesses both a direct relationship with every human being and a characteristic that will remain unresolved. That is to say, the metaphysical question regarding the source of evil will always be one that is open. Nietzsche, however, repudiated the morals handed down through Socrates and Christianity, and urged that we reside "beyond good and evil." This brief review argues that good and evil exists in the form of a being in itself, whether it is within our grasp or not, and reveals that good and evil is more "this-worldly" than it is "other-worldly". The roof-end tiles with facial markings passed on to us also presuppose that evil is in full force in this world and exerts its influence. This review taps into several folk methods for coping with the existence of an invincible evil that surpasses human capability and contemplates the extraordinary and creative ideas of the Silla people through their "Smile of Silla" roof-end tiles with facial markings that were used to counter evil.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.37-48
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• 2019

This study, which starting from Yangyang Jukdo's topography formation and questioning revealed in landscape guide and landscape commentary board, is to sort out the characteristics of Jukdo natural landscape through literature research, field observation research and stakeholder interview as part of the proper recognition of Jokdo landscape and search for landscape resources, and pursued a review of nominations and criticism. The results of this study are summarized as follows. Yangyang Jukdo is an island named because it was full of blue bamboo. From before the first half of the 14th Century. to the middle of the 18th Century., there was a Gwanlan-pavilion to see the sea and the bamboo in the west. The time when the original island, the Jukdo, have been a land-tied island connected with the land by the tombolo formed by the erosion of the sand. It is located at the end of the 14th Century. and before the middle of the 18th Century. In Jukdo, colorful weathered terrains, coastal terrain, and structural terrain formed by long-time weathering are found. Among them, the type of weathering, the tafoni style and the gnamma style are the scenic landscapes with the key stories of legend and poetry that are brought to Jukdo. In addition, there are seven kinds of letters caved in the rocks in Jukdo. The rocks found on the coast, basketball cannons, shrines, and sutras are seen as shrouds based on a Taoist hermit motifs and style. In addition, it can be interred from the photography of "jeongssisejeog" that the souvenir of Jukdo was the family of Chogyejeong of mid 18th Century. In terms of observational geography and poetry, Jukdo has been handed down a great deal of missionary color with key motifs such as 'Jukdo-seongoo', 'Jukdo-Dolgooyoo', or 'Stone mortar of Taoist hermit' It is proved that the pearl which is called 'The stone of the Taoist hermit' is a porthole formed in a separate space rather than the topography of the geomorphology in terms of shape, size and function. Currently named Shun-tang is a product of the ridiculous 'naming' of interest. The present landscape guide and commentary is not only incompatible with the place of Jukdo, but also does not match the traditional cultural landscape. Future scenery information such as guide signs and commentary boards should be improved in the direction of positively highlighting the stories and motifs related to the present that are present in order to enhance the landscape identity of Yangyang Jukdo.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.157-186
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• 2018

Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.133-156
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• 2020

This is a paper that examines the meaning and changes of how Dalgang Song, a parenting song, is accepted in pansori works and how it plays a role in the narrative of the work. In Chapter 2, Compared the lyrics of Dalgang-Dalgang in actual parenting scene and Dalgang-Dalgang in Pansori's work. As a result, the songs in Pansori, show some differences in lyrics, but most of them kept the narrative structure intact. Among them, Gangreung-maehwa-ga maintained the phrase "Dalgang-Dalgang" in front and back, making the least changes. Simcheong-ga and Jeokbyeok-ga maintained their epic structures, but the the front and the rear phrase turned into a "Uh huh, Doong doong". And Dalgang-Dalgang was sung mostly by its mother or grandmother at the actual parenting scene, but the song in Pansori, was all sung by men. Dalgang song in Pansori, had a mostly Gyemyeon melody due to the genre characteristics of Pansori. Also Dalgang-Dalgang for actual parenting, was sung with a leisurely, soft beat. But Dalgang song in Pansori's works were sung rhythmical with Jungjungmori rhythm or Jajinmori rhythm to maximize joy. In Chapter 3, I discussed the roles and meanings of Dalgang song contained in Pansori. Dalgang-Dalgang of Simcheong-ga appeared in the crucial process of Sim Hak-kyu's return to will of life through Simcheong after the death of his wife. In Jeokbyeok-ga, Dalgang song also appeared as a tool to recall the happy memories with his son. On the other hand, Dalgang-Dalgang of Gangreung-maehwa-ga played a role of expressing affection for relationships between men and women, not between parents and children. This is beyond the original meaning of parenting, which means the hedonistic and excessive affection of Mr. Gol. The desire to change a relationship between a man and a woman into between parents and children is also found in Kim Yeon-soo's Chunhyang-ga. This change is an example of how the role and meaning of Dalgang song has changed dramatically as it was inserted into pansori. And the reason why Dalgang-Dalgang was so important in the narrative of Pansori was because of The lyrics of the song contain the love of the baby.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.325-356
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• 2021

This study is to analyze the current status of transmission and musical characteristics of Naeseo-deulilsori in Changwon, and the purpose of this study is to illuminate the value of deulilsori in Naeseo region, so that it can be continuously inherited. Naeseo-deulsori consists of the Mosimgi-sori, Nonmaegi-sori, and Chingchingi-sori. Mosimgi-sori, which is called when planting a seedling, is divided into 6 types according to the order and situation of work. ① rice planting sound, ② rice planting sound called in the morning, ③ rice planting sound called at lunch time, ④ rice planting sound called after lunch, ⑤ rice planting sound called when it is raining or cloudy, ⑥ rice planting sound called at sunset. Mosimgi-sori, which is called when planting a seedling, is based on Menali-tori, but partly influenced by Yugjabaegi-tori. However, it was typical Menali-tori in the slow The sound of rice planting in the nearby Haman region, but as the speed increased in the fast The sound of rice planting, the characteristics of Menali-tori faded and la↘mi perfect fourth descending frequently appeared. In the sound of rice planting in Goseong, both slow and fast sounds were strongly influenced by Yugjabaegi-tori. In the end, the sound of rice planting in the Naeseo region is less Yugjabaegi-tori than in the Goseong region and stronger than in Haman region. This combination of tori is a musical bargaining phenomenon that appears in the border region, and it can be said to be a geographical and regional characteristic of the Naeseo region. Nonmaegi-sori has the same sound as 'Sangsadeio' throughout the nearby Goseong and Haman regions. However, in Nonmaegi-sori in the Naeseo region, a strong Gyeong-tori tendency is found in the sound received. Looking at the flow of the melody of Nonmaegi-sori, it seems that the pitch has been changed by the intestines in recent years, and this modified melodic form has continued as it is. In order to guarantee locality, this part seems to need to be corrected in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.71-109
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• 2019

In this study, succession aspects of direction structure and dancing were reviewed in Moondoong drum dance succeeded by Yong Bae Cho of Goseong Ogwangdae. Sung Rak Hong who succeeded to Moondoong drum dance before Yong Bae Cho directed only 'drum dance' mainly with Goodguri rhythm. While Sung Rak Hong succeeded, the drum of Moondoong Gwangdae became smaller, which was changed from drum before 1965, to semi-drum in 1966 and tabor in 1967 and thereafter. Yong Bae Cho succeeded to Moondoong drum dance since 1970, adding 'Moondoong dance' directing tabor at the floor together with 'drum dance' before August 1972 and directing Dutbaegi rhythm. From the first succession of Goseong Ogwangdae since the winter in 1974, obscene movements were disappeared, and the setting with Yangban and contents to sublimate resentment were added in Moondoong drum dance. These changes seemed to be affected by succession format of Tongyoung Ogwangdae Moondoong drum dance and Ok Jin Gong's idiot dance. There are succession patterns when reviewing Moondoong drum dance directed by Yong Bae Cho. In case of 'Moondoong' dance, repeated forms were succeeded including 'fixed dance'->'impromptu dance'->'jump' in center of three fixed dances. In case of 'drum dance,' repeated forms were succeeded including 'fixed dance'->'rolling tabor'->'concluding' -> 'impromptu dance'->'jump' in center of four fixed dances. In 'drum dance' by Yong Bae Cho, many parts of succeeded dance by Sung Rak Hong who was a prior successor were remained. After Yong Bae Cho's death, Jong Bok Heo summarized the dance with more completed order focusing on the structure of Moondoong drum dance succeeded by Yong Bae Cho. Since then, multiple scenes were added continuously including hobbled appearance by Jong Won Heo, happy scene eating barley and scene to catch tabor stick difficultly, by Chang Ryol Heo. Yong Bae Cho added 'Moondoong dance' to the prior works only with 'drum dance' and started adding the story with resentment. The direction structure summarized by Yong Bae Cho became the basic framework in which the following directors added the scenes very easily. Like this, Yong Bae Cho was an excellent director of Goseong Ogwangdae who inherited Moondoong drum dance from the previous generation to establish and develop to hand over the next generations.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.