• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.22-37
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• 2021

The wind chime is a longstanding Jangeomgu (majestic article) found in Korea, China, and Japan. However, basic research on wind chimes is currently inadequate as it is difficult to estimate the time of production, and there are few relics. Therefore, this research morphologically classifies the eight bronze wind chimes decorating the baldachin of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan. Based on this, the manufacturing techniques and production period are scientifically demonstrated. The synthesis of the research results reveals that the structure and characteristics of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan differ depending on their location on the baldachin. The four large-sized wind chimes on the lower-baldachin were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they are estimated to have been made during the early period of Goryeo. The two medium-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northern direction were manufactured through forging a Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they appear to have a similar structure to the cylindrical wind chimes appearing during the latter period of Goryeo and the Joseon period. The two small-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's southern direction were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy containing Zn, and based on the chemical composition of the alloy and the shape of the clapper, they are estimated to have been manufactured during the latter period of Joseon. Through the observation of microstructures and a chemical composition analysis, it is demonstrated that two wind chimes of the lowerbaldachin were manufactured by casting and slow cooling the alloy with an alloy ratio of Cu:Sn:Pb≒80:15:5. In addition, it is estimated that the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction were manufactured by forging an alloy of Cu-Sn with a similar alloy ratio to that of forged high tin bronze. The results of a comparative analysis of prior research on domestic wind chimes confirm that two wind chimes of the lower-baldachin have a similar composition ratio to the wind chime excavated from Wolnamsaji in Gangjin, containing an amount of tin that corresponds with ancient records. Having a similar alloy ratio to forged high tin bronze, the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction are the only instances among all of the wind chimes that have been examined to date that were manufactured using this forging method. The purpose of this research is to collect baseline data to verify and classify the manufacturing period of wind chimes according to their morphological characteristics based on scientific evidence. It is hoped that this data can be utilized for the restoration and conservation processes of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.133-150
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• 2022

Calling the 21th century the age of 'cultural competition' is not an overstatement. In an era of globalization, we try to find the 'identity of our country' in our culture. 'Culture' is the unique ethnicity of the people of each country that reflects the traces of their lives. As the world is transforming into a multi-dimensional place, traditional patterns in reference to cultural uniqueness and original formativeness are the brands that represent the people. France's luxury brand, GOYARD's Y-shaped pattern naturally made during the persistent traditional handmade process is still France's representative corporate brand and is considered prestigious even after 150 years have passed. On the other hand, in low-income countries, patterns created in the natural process of weaving fabrics are succeeded as a unique cultural aesthetic and are loved by people all over the world. Like this, people living in the global multi-dimensional world look to attain the framework 'One Planet Perspective' which is to succeed their own native culture and preserve the unique culture of others. For example, in the process of international relief organizations delivering relief supplies to Columbia's "Wayu tribe" due to the water shortage in 2013, a handmade product, "Mochila Bag" was discovered. Triggered by this incident, Europe and Korea decide to import it to support the livelihood of the "Wayu tribe." Also, the aesthetic and cultural values of the traditional culture in minority tribes that have evolved through thousands of years have been listed on UNESCO and preserved worldwide. Likewise, culture doesn't suddenly appear overnight, but rather the brand representing the company is the pattern used in the trend of the era kept for over 100 years. Moreover, patterns that reflect the country's identity are inherited as the unique aesthetic of the culture. Our country does inherit the unique aesthetic of our culture, but doesn't have a 'strong image' that displays the practical value reinterpreted creatively and aesthetically to fit the modern trend. Traditional patterns are important in perspective of study and theoretical research, but the brand's image using those patterns is a new medium from the past existence continuing to the current tradition. Furthermore, this study suggests that the image of a company that uses traditional patterns will have high economical potential as a national brand.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.296-312
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• 2022

This paper examines the concept and process of heritagization, as well as other measures for the value enhancement of food culture as heritage, through the case of the gastronomic meal of the French, which has a long history as a socially constructed heritage. Heritage refers to what a society perceives as worthy of being transmitted. Thus, a heritage is something that a society or group chooses to preserve and that represents its identity. In the 19th century, France began to designate and protect heritage through a policy of preserving historical monuments, and heritage became both a social construct and creation with the purpose of preserving and enhancing values. Interest in heritage spread around the world with globalization, and has grown even greater since the 1972 UNESCO Convention. This interest has progressively extended to nature, urban landscapes and intangible cultural heritage. In 2003, the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted, and this has strengthened the interest in intangible cultural heritage worldwide. Food-related heritage has been excluded from the list due to difficulties in establishing inscription criteria and concerns about the potential commercialization of heritage. However, in 2010, the food cultures of the Mediterranean, Mexico, and France were inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which prompted interest in food culture and efforts to inscribe the food heritage of a number of other countries, including Korea. France has a long history of interest in gastronomy as a cultural heritage and part of its national identity. Efforts to preserve and popularize gastronomy as a part of the national identity and heritage have been made at both the private level, by gourmets and associations, and at the governmental level. Through these efforts, the culture of gastronomy as a heritage has been firmly established through theoretical discussion, listing of food-related heritages, and policies. Sustainable development of the heritage is pursued through certain ongoing institutional approaches, including the City of Gastronomy network, the National Food Program, and the promotion and labeling of the Year of the French Gourmet.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.138-164
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• 2022

The Neolithic shell midden in Daejuk-ri, Seosan, is distributed on the gentle slope of a low hill close to the west coast. The bedrock of the area consists mainly of schist with various mafic minerals, but shows a partial gneiss pattern. The site consists of loamy topsoil and clay loam subsoil, and the degree of siallization is relatively low. Although the pottery excavated from the shell midden shares mostly similar features, a variety of shapes and patterns coexist. The surface colors, thickness and physical properties are slightly different. The pottery can be subdivided into three types (IA, IB and II) according to the composition of the body clay, the temper and the existence of a black core. Types IA and IB are colorless mineral pottery with a non-black or black core respectively. TypeII is colored mineral pottery with a non-black core. Type I pottery also contains non-plastic colored minerals, but type II contains a large amount of biotite, chlorite, talc, amphibole, diopside and tremolite, which include a large amount of Mg and Fe. The studied pottery contains a small amount of organic matter. Considering the grain size and relatively poor sorting and roundness of the non-plastic particles, the pottery appears to be made by adding coarse non-plastic tempers for special purposes to the untreated weathered soil around the site. The three types of pottery seem to have been incompletely fired in general. While type IB has the lowest degree of oxidation, typeII shows the highest degree of redness and oxidation. It can be interpreted that these differences depend on the firing temperature and the ratio of non-plastic particles. Through a synthesis of the minerals, geochemical data and thermal history, it can be determined that the firing temperature ranged from 600 to 700℃. The pottery types of the Daejuk-ri Shell Midden have slightly different production conditions, mineral compositions, and physical properties, but have undergone similar production processes with basically the same clay materials. The clay is almost identical to the composition of the bedrock and weathered soil distributed in the Daejuk-ri area. Currently, there is an industrial complex in the area, so it is difficult to confirm the soil and geological distribution of the site. However, it is highly probable that the area around the site was self-sufficient for the clay and tempers required for the production of the Neolithic pottery. Therefore, it can be interpreted that the group that left the shell midden in Daejuk-ri lived near the site, visited the site for the purpose of collecting and processing shellfish, and discarded the broken pottery along with shells.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.107-119
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to examine the current status of vascular plants and naturalized plants growing in the Seongeup Folk Village in Jeju and to consider and compare their distribution patterns and the characteristics of emergence of naturalized plants in other folk villages and all parts of Jeju, thereby exploring measures to well manage naturalized plants. The result of this study is as follows.11) The total number of vascular plants growing in Seongeup Folk Village is identified to be 354 taxa which include 93 families, 260 genus, 298 species, 44 varieties and 12 breeds. Among them, the number of naturalized plants is 55 taxa in total including 22 families, 46 genus, 53 species, and 2 varieties, which accounts for 21.7% of the total of 254 taxa identified all over the region of Jeju. The rate of naturalization in Seongeup Folk Village is 15.5%, which is far higher than the rates of plant naturalization in Hahoi Village in Andong, Yangdong Village in Gyeongju, Hangae Village in Seongju, Wanggok Village in Goseong, and Oeam Village in Asan. Among the naturalized plants identified within the targeted villages, the number of those growing in Jeju is 9 taxa including Silene gallica, Modiola caroliniana, Oenothera laciniata, Oenothera stricta, Apium leptophyllum, Gnaphalium purpureum, Gnaphalium calviceps, Paspalum dilatatum and Sisyrinchium angustifolium. It is suggested that appropriate management measures that consider the characteristics of the gateway to import and the birthplace of the naturalized plants are necessary. In the meantime, 3 more taxa that have not been included in the reference list of Jeju have been identified for the first time in Seongeup Folk Village, which include Bromus sterilis, Cannabis sativa and Veronica hederaefolia. The number of naturalized plants identified within the gardens of unit-based cultural properties is 20 taxa, among which the rate of prevalence of Cerastium glomeratum is the highest at 62.5%. On the other hand, the communities of plants that require landscape management are Brassica napus and other naturalized plants, including Cosmos bipinnatus, Trifolium repens, Medicago lupulina, Oenothera stricta, O. laciniata, Lotus corniculatus, Lolium perenne, Silene gallica, Hypochaeris radicata, Plantago virginica, Bromus catharticus and Cerastium glomeratum. As a short-term measure to manage naturalized plants growing in Seongeup Folk Village, it is important to identify the current status of Cosmos bipinnatus and Brassica napus that have been planted for landscape agriculture, and explore how to use flowers during the blooming season. It is suggested that Ambrosia artemisiifolia and Hypochaeris radicata, designated as invasive alien plants by the Ministry of Health and Welfare, should be eradicated initially, followed by regular monitoring in case of further invasion, spread or expansion. As for Hypochaeris radicata, in particular, some physical prevention measures need to be explored, such as for example, identifying the habitat density and eradication of the plant. In addition, it is urgent to remove plants, such as Sonchus oleraceus, Houttuynia cordata, Crassocephalum crepidioides, Erigeron annuus and Lamium purpureum with high index of greenness visually, growing wild at around high Jeongyi town walls. At the same time, as the distribution and dominance value of the naturalized plants growing in deserted or empty houses are high, it is necessary to find measures to preserve and manage them and to use the houses as lodging places.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.