• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2012

Sansuyucheop by Heojoobugun(虛舟府君) as the subject of this study is a 십이-width picture album by the eldest grandson of 11 generations for Goseong Lee family, Lee Jong Ak(李宗岳: 1726-1773), a figure having five habits(五癖) for ancient documents(古書癖), playing the gayageum(彈琴癖), flowering plant(花卉癖), paintings and calligraphic works(書畵癖) and boating(舟遊癖) etc., who boated with 18 relatives, and those by marriage from old home, home of mother's side, wife's home, and his home for 5 days Apr. 4 through 8, 1763, starting from Imcheonggak, through Yangjeong(羊汀), Chiltan(七灘), Sabin Auditorium(泗濱書院), Seonchang(船倉), Nakyeon(落淵), Seonchal(仙刹), Seonyujeong(仙遊亭), Mongseongak(夢仙閣), Baekwoonjeong(白雲亭) and Naeap Village(川前里), Iho(伊湖), Seoeodae(鮮魚帶) to the returning point, Bangujeong(伴鷗亭), cruised magnificent views around Banbyeoncheon called 'Andong 8 Gyeong' or 'Imhagugok', and whenever the boat anchored, appreciated the scenery at each point, and enjoyed and loved arts playing the geomungo. This study reached following findings through grasping physical, ecological, visual and aesthetic changes about the places, sceneries, plant elements and past and current scenery of the width pictures expressed at this Sansuyucheop. The refinement on the boat seeing the clear river water, white sand beach, fantastically-shaped cliffs expressed at this Sansuyucheop, exchanging poems and calligraphies, and enjoying the geomungo is a good example displaying the play culture of high-class in Joseon Dynasty. Also construction of Imha Dam and Andong Dam has caused serious visual and ecological changes, making us not enable to feel the original mood of the background spots such as Yangjeonggwabeom(羊汀過帆), Chiltanhuseon(七灘候船), Sasubeomjoo(泗水泛舟), Seonchanggyeram(船倉繫纜), Nakyeonmosaek(落淵莫色), Mangcheonguido(輞川歸棹), Ihojeongdo(伊湖停棹), but only discern then landscape or sentiment through the landscape described at the canvas. The 1st picture(Donghohaeram, 東湖解纜), and the 11th picture(Seoeobanjo, 鮮魚返照) of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop expressed trees thought to be fallen, brad-leaf tall trees, and the 9th picture(Unjeongpungbeom, 雲亭風帆) formed a pine forest called 'Gaeho(開湖)' by Uncheongong planting 1,000 pine trees with the village people in 1617. In addition, Seunggyeongdo expressed ever-green needle leaf trees at the natural topography, and fallen-leaf tall trees around the pavilion and building. Comparative consideration of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop and Shinam's Dongyusipsogi(東遊十小記) showed that the location of Samgok is assumed to be Macheon and Chiltan, so Imhagugok is assumed to start from Baekunjeong of Ilgok, Igok from Imcheon and Imcheon auditorium, Samgok from Mangcheon and Chiltan, Sagok from Sabin Auditorium of Sasoo, Ogok from Songseok, Yukgok from Sooseok of Seonchang, Chilgok from Nakyeonhyeonryu, Palgok from Seonchalsa and Seonyoojeong, and Gugok from Pyong Yuheo. This study can be significant in that it could clarify that Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop is judged to be valuable in exquisitively expressing the coast of Banbyeon River, the biggest branch stream in the Nakdong River at the latter half of Joseon Dynasty, and as a vital diagrammatical historical data to make a comparative analysis of currently rarely-seen ancestors' life traces and landscape factors with present ones.

• Journal of Animal Environmental Science
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.141-150
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• 2006

To optimise the efficient use of nutrients in pig slurry is to cultivate friendly environmental crops. This field survey is to investigate the actual conditions of pig slurry utilization for cultivation of crops in the agricultural farm, based on the survey for 407 selected farms in 9 provinces included 78 counties in Korea. The results obtained in this survey were summarized as follow ; The motive which came to use pig slurry in the agricultural farm were production of friendly environmental crops (29.7%), economy of chemical fertilizer (25.1%), spontaneously (19.2%), inducement of neighboring farmhouse (16.0%), increase of soil fertility (9.3%), and the others (0.7%), respectively. The proportions of pig slurry application land were 56.5% for.ice paddy, 22.6% for dry field, 13.3% for orchard, 4.4% for controlled agriculture and 3.2% for other, respectively. The number of times of pig slurry utilization per year were once (48.9%), twice (31.9%), thrice (14.0%), and the others (5.2%), respectively. The controversial points of pig slurry utilization were malodor (54.1%), insufficiency of spread equipment (22.1%), inconvenience (14.5%), over application (3.4%), over cost (2.9%), heavy metal (1.7%), sanitation (1.0%) and the other (0.2%), respectively. The results indicated that pig slurry could be used as fertilizer source of friendly environmental crops, but further studies are needed to determine the application method and value of the pig slurry for crop cultivation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.7-46
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• 2017

The elderly in the Joseon Dynasty consistently attracted attention from the national herb as objects of social respect. Based on the Confucian ideology, the old man was considered to be a receiving body, since he was a person with complete character as a man. The elderly, who have the character of being a slave, transcended their status, and both the souls and the people were transcended beyond their identities and attributes and became objects of respect. The perception of the elderly is divided by age. The persons who are 50 years old and start to be in physical decline were regarded as senior citizens. However, this was just mentioned as an inflection point between the prime of manhood and senior citizens and was not defined as the elderly. As a public duty called a national work ends when they are 60 years old, the age is truly the lowest limit of senior citizens who are applicable to all the social beings. However, because their public duties end when they are 60 years old and they were regarded as general members of society, special benefits were not granted to them. In the caste system and bureaucratic society, senior citizens' treatment were differently done by age. For the senior citizens who are 70 years old, various benefits were just granted to high government officials. Bokho(復戶) and Seojeong were first given to them. And the retirement age of government officials was not specially set. It was done in the way to treat Jonno with exceptional respect by Chisa(致仕: regular retirement). It is the most respectful treatment given to high government officials and ministers. For the senior citizens who are 80 years old, Yangnoyeon(養老宴) was held for both of Yangmin and Cheonmin as an measure to treat them considerately. In addition, official ranks(官品) with social value were allowed by giving them Noinjik (老人職). Official ranks given to Seoin and Cheonin were the best Jonno(尊老) policy. However, the Jonno policy related to senior citizens was different according to position and official ranks as follows: Kings were subjected to social treatment when they were 60 years old. High government officials and royal relatives of the senior grade of the second court rank were subjected to social treatment when they were 70 years old. And general Seoin and slaves were subjected to social treatment when they were respectively 80 and 90 years old. Senior citizens were individually supported. However, social value was granted because the nation supervised it. As Bokho and Sijeong were assigned according to position and official ranks and kinds of things were different, the social limit was clearly shown. Social order was put above the ideology called Jonno thought. However, Jonno acts by age and position did not stay at the individual level and the nation took care of the senior citizens who are the members of society in various ways based on Jonno thought. Society tried to take care of the senior citizens who had difficulties in their activities because of being in physical decline. The nation increased the existence value of the senior citizens by giving things(賜物) including chairs, rice, meat, and ice economically, exoneration(免罪), the reduction system, and wergild legally, and Noinjik called Gaja(加資) socially to them and changing them to the members of society. Yangnoyeon and Gaja held targeting people of every class by transcending position and official ranks make the point that the senior citizens who are more than 80 years old are subject to social jonno clear. That is, the senior citizens were subject to respect for the elderly as the persons who were socially respected transcending their position when they got to be 80 years old.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.101-133
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• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.105-162
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• 2020

In the pandemic of infectious disease, restrictions of individual liberty have been justified in the name of public health and public interest. In March 2020, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea passed the revised bill of the 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act.」 The revised bill newly established the legal basis for forced testing and disclosure of the information of confirmed cases, and also raised the penalties for violation of self-isolation and treatment refusal. This paper examines whether and how these individual liberty limiting clauses be justified, and if so on what ethical and philosophical grounds. The authors propose the theories of the philosophy of law related to the justifiability of liberty-limiting measures by the state and conceptualized the dual-aspect of applying the liberty-limiting principle to the infected patient. In COVID-19 pandemic crisis, the infected person became the 'Patient as Victim and Vector (PVV)' that posits itself on the overlapping area of 'harm to self' and 'harm to others.' In order to apply the liberty-limiting principle proposed by Joel Feinberg to a pandemic with uncertainties, it is necessary to extend the harm principle from 'harm' to 'risk'. Under the crisis with many uncertainties like COVID-19 pandemic, this shift from 'harm' to 'risk' justifies the state's preemptive limitation on individual liberty based on the precautionary principle. This, at the same time, raises concerns of overcriminalization, i.e., too much limitation of individual liberty without sufficient grounds. In this article, we aim to propose principles regarding how to balance between the precautionary principle for preemptive restrictions of liberty and the concerns of overcriminalization. Public health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic requires a population approach where the 'population' rather than an 'individual' works as a unit of analysis. We propose the second expansion of the harm principle to be applied to 'population' in order to deal with the public interest and public health. The new concept 'risk to population,' derived from the two arguments stated above, should be introduced to explain the public health crisis like COVID-19 pandemic. We theorize 'the extended harm principle' to include the 'risk to population' as a third liberty-limiting principle following 'harm to others' and 'harm to self.' Lastly, we examine whether the restriction of liberty of the revised 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act」 can be justified under the extended harm principle. First, we conclude that forced isolation of the infected patient could be justified in a pandemic situation by satisfying the 'risk to the population.' Secondly, the forced examination of COVID-19 does not violate the extended harm principle either, based on the high infectivity of asymptomatic infected people to others. Thirdly, however, the provision of forced treatment can not be justified, not only under the traditional harm principle but also under the extended harm principle. Therefore it is necessary to include additional clauses in the provision in order to justify the punishment of treatment refusal even in a pandemic.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.219-240
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• 2018

Sentiment analysis, which is one of the text mining techniques, is a method for extracting subjective content embedded in text documents. Recently, the sentiment analysis methods have been widely used in many fields. As good examples, data-driven surveys are based on analyzing the subjectivity of text data posted by users and market researches are conducted by analyzing users' review posts to quantify users' reputation on a target product. The basic method of sentiment analysis is to use sentiment dictionary (or lexicon), a list of sentiment vocabularies with positive, neutral, or negative semantics. In general, the meaning of many sentiment words is likely to be different across domains. For example, a sentiment word, 'sad' indicates negative meaning in many fields but a movie. In order to perform accurate sentiment analysis, we need to build the sentiment dictionary for a given domain. However, such a method of building the sentiment lexicon is time-consuming and various sentiment vocabularies are not included without the use of general-purpose sentiment lexicon. In order to address this problem, several studies have been carried out to construct the sentiment lexicon suitable for a specific domain based on 'OPEN HANGUL' and 'SentiWordNet', which are general-purpose sentiment lexicons. However, OPEN HANGUL is no longer being serviced and SentiWordNet does not work well because of language difference in the process of converting Korean word into English word. There are restrictions on the use of such general-purpose sentiment lexicons as seed data for building the sentiment lexicon for a specific domain. In this article, we construct 'KNU Korean Sentiment Lexicon (KNU-KSL)', a new general-purpose Korean sentiment dictionary that is more advanced than existing general-purpose lexicons. The proposed dictionary, which is a list of domain-independent sentiment words such as 'thank you', 'worthy', and 'impressed', is built to quickly construct the sentiment dictionary for a target domain. Especially, it constructs sentiment vocabularies by analyzing the glosses contained in Standard Korean Language Dictionary (SKLD) by the following procedures: First, we propose a sentiment classification model based on Bidirectional Long Short-Term Memory (Bi-LSTM). Second, the proposed deep learning model automatically classifies each of glosses to either positive or negative meaning. Third, positive words and phrases are extracted from the glosses classified as positive meaning, while negative words and phrases are extracted from the glosses classified as negative meaning. Our experimental results show that the average accuracy of the proposed sentiment classification model is up to 89.45%. In addition, the sentiment dictionary is more extended using various external sources including SentiWordNet, SenticNet, Emotional Verbs, and Sentiment Lexicon 0603. Furthermore, we add sentiment information about frequently used coined words and emoticons that are used mainly on the Web. The KNU-KSL contains a total of 14,843 sentiment vocabularies, each of which is one of 1-grams, 2-grams, phrases, and sentence patterns. Unlike existing sentiment dictionaries, it is composed of words that are not affected by particular domains. The recent trend on sentiment analysis is to use deep learning technique without sentiment dictionaries. The importance of developing sentiment dictionaries is declined gradually. However, one of recent studies shows that the words in the sentiment dictionary can be used as features of deep learning models, resulting in the sentiment analysis performed with higher accuracy (Teng, Z., 2016). This result indicates that the sentiment dictionary is used not only for sentiment analysis but also as features of deep learning models for improving accuracy. The proposed dictionary can be used as a basic data for constructing the sentiment lexicon of a particular domain and as features of deep learning models. It is also useful to automatically and quickly build large training sets for deep learning models.