• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.1-51
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• 2019

The understanding of law and science as fundamentally different two systems, in which fact stands against justice, rapid progress against prudent process, is far too simple to be valid. Nonetheless, such account is commonly employed to explain the tension between law and science or justice and truth. Previous STS research raises fundamental doubts upon the off-the-shelf concept of "scientific truth" that can be introduced to the court for legal judgment. Delimiting the qualification of the expert, the value of the expert knowledge, or the criteria of the scientific expertise have always included social negotiation. What are the values that are affecting the boundary-making of the thing called "modern science" that is supposedly useful in solving legal conflicts? How do the value of law and the meaning of justice change as the boundaries of modern science take shapes? What is the significance of "science" when it is emphasized, particularly in relation to the legal provisions of paternity, and how does this perception of science affect unfoldings of legal disputes? In order to explore the answers to the above questions, we follow a process in which a type of "knowledge-deficient model" of a court-that is, law lags behind science and thus, under-employs its useful functions-can be closely examined. We attend to a series of discussions and subsequent changes that occurred in the US courts between 1930s and 1970s, when blood type tests began to be used to determine parental relations. In conclusion, we argue that it was neither nature nor truth in itself that was excavated by forensic scientists and legal practitioners, who regarded blood type tests as a truth machine. Rather, it was their careful practices and crafty narratives that made the roadmaps of modern science, technology, and society on which complex tensions between modern states, families, and courts were seen to be "resolved".

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.61-70
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• 2019

The painting group of Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasty is an era of confusion between the orthodox who faithfully cooperated with the Qing Dynasty and the individualist who had a hostile attitude. The country was ruined by these dynasties, and the family left the real world with the suffering of the breakdown and stayed in the mountains.Paldaesanin and Seokdo, the representative Yumin painters, did not form any a sect as a unique expression style for finding a true self.And, through his work, he expressed on madness and oddity through new ideas and composition that he feels misery and anger in his heart. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. Paldaesanin portrayed a strange figure with a spirit of resistance and a sad and angered emotion, through a unique technique of painting.The content is cynical, satirical, ironic, and on madness and oddity. On the other hand, Seokdo explained "ilhoeg" that the method of writing and the method of writing in "Hwaeolog" agree with each other.This has allowed us to achieve autonomy as a "rule without rules" that goes beyond the existing rules. And he delicately portrayed beauty, desire, and emotion with the use of sensuous brushes and the beauty of the colors.Their unique paintings were later conveyed to yangjupalgoe and led to the flow of paintings in the 18th century.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.100 no.3
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• pp.432-440
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• 2011

The objective of this study was to investigate growth and fruiting characteristics (e.g., nut qualities) of chestnut (Castanea cerenata) after applying various fertilizer treatments at the cultivation site in Suncheon. Fertilizer treatments were designed as follow: liquid fertilizer, chemical fertilizer, organic fertilizer, and control. Both liquid and chemical fertilizer treatments provided the best growth in height and basal diameter. In addition, these two treatments were very effective for crown width of the trees between both east-west and north-south orientation. The liquid fertilizer treatment was effective on total length of the fruiting branch and length of the bearing to terminate part. Both liquid and chemical fertilizer treatments produced the longest length of basal to bearing part compared to the other two treatments. The liquid fertilizer treatment showed the most thickened basal diameter of the fruiting branch and the greatest diameter of above and below the bearing burr part. Elongation Index of the fruiting branch (EI) was the highest with liquid fertilizer treatment and the remaining four indices (Production Index of fruiting branch, PI; Ratio of Diameter between below and above bearing burr part, RD; Growth Index of fruiting branch diameter, GI; Thickness Index of fruiting branch or dormant branch, TI) were the highest with the chemical fertilizer treatment. Total number of produced branch per fruiting mother branch and number of small and weak branches per fruiting mother branch were highest on the control and liquid fertilizer treatment; however, all treatments produced similar numbers. The chemical and organic fertilizer treatments produced a high number of fruiting branches per fruiting mother branch, while organic and liquid fertilizer treatments produced a high number of burr per fruiting branch. The rate of commercializing on the basis of nut weight and quantity was higher on control (87.5%) than chemical fertilizer treatment (84.6%); however, the rate was even lower on liquid fertilizer treatment (84.3%) and organic fertilizer treatment (82.7%). The liquid fertilizer treatment showed the highest average of nut weight, while chemical fertilizer treatment showed the highest average number of fruiting burr. There was no significant difference in average number of normal nuts per burr among treatments. The yield per tree was high on chemical (8.2 kg) and liquid (8.0 kg) fertilizer treatments, but there was no significant difference among treatments. In the rate of nut grade on the basis of nut weight and quantity, the liquid fertilizer treatment, 43.5% and 34.3% more than large nut respectively, produced higher value chestnuts compared to other treatments.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.100 no.4
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• pp.577-584
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• 2011

To estimate level of genetic variation and genetic differentiation among populations of 3 populations in Abies koreana and 5 populations in Abies nephrolepis, 5 nSSR markers were analyzed. Except 1 locus where too many alleles were observed excessively, population genetic parameters were recalculated with 4 loci. Mean expected heterozygosities ($H_e$) were 0.292 in A. koreana and 0.220 in A. nephrolepis, respectively. In both species, positive fixation coefficient was estimated (F=0.065 for A. koreana and F=0.095 for A. nephrolepis), which suggests that there is an excess of homozygotes relative to Hardy-Weinberg expectations within populations. Relatively high degree of population differentiation was observed in A. koreana ($F_{ST}=0.063$). compared to that of A. nephrolepis ($F_{ST}=0.039$). From 3-level Hierarchical estimation of F-staticstics, only 4.9% of the genetic variation was allocated between species ($F_{PT}$), which suggested that most of genetic variation was shared between two species. On the basis of results from analysis of genetic relationships among populations, 2 populations of A. koreana (Mt. Halla and Mt. Deogyu) were genetically distinct from the populations of A. nephrolepis but a population of Mt. Jiri was allocated within a group of populations of A. nephrolepis. Populations of both species seemed to have undergone genetic drift due to gradual decrease in population size induced by global warming after the last glacier, which resulted in increase of homozygotes by inbreeding. It could be also postulated that these species might be diverged recently and It is likely that the two species have not fully speciated yet.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.67-97
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to clarify that the difference between past and present response to the same folktales relates to other cultural contexts. This is part of the research to explore the methodology of folktale education for intergenerational communication. This paper compares the reaction on a storytelling site from the past to with current college students' impressions. On the older site, the storyteller and audience sympathized with the characters of . Additionally, they were pleased with the conclusion that the characters would get a new family. However, university students thought that the characters of was incompetent. University students evaluated their success as depending on other people, accidentally obtained. Such a difference was closely related to the culture of the group intervening when understanding the folktale. In the past culture, empathy, interdependence, and unity were considered important values. Meanwhile, the new-generation culture emphasized the individual's free will and rights, diligence, and honesty. As a result, due to differences in cultural context, university students distorted , and communication with past generations was also broken. In this paper, we study the folktale education methodology that helps communication between generations. this paper proposes that It is more suitable to tile the story instead of for university students. That is because resembles the cultural context of university students. At the same time, it has the same problem as .

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.40
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• pp.111-131
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• 2015

An unusual success engendering loyalty among cult fans in the United States, Mamoru Oshii's 1995 cyberpunk anime, Ghost in the Shell (GITS) revolves around a female cyborg assassin named Motoko Kusanagi, a.k.a. "the Major." When the news came out last year that Scarlett Johansson was offered 10 million dollars for the role of the Major in the live action remake of GITS, the frustrated fans accused DreamWorks of "whitewashing" the classic Japanimation and turning it into a PG-13 film. While it would be premature to judge a film yet to be released, it appears timely to revisit the core achievement of Oshii's film untranslatable into the Hollywood formula. That is, unlike ultimately heteronormative and humanist sci-fi films produced in Hollywood, such as the Matrix trilogy or Cloud Atlas, GITS defies a Hollywoodization by evoking much bafflement in relation to its queer, posthuman characters and settings. This essay homes in on Major Kusanagi's body in order to update prior criticism from the perspectives of posthumanism and queer theory. If the Major's voluptuous cyborg body has been read as a liberating or as a commodified feminine body, latest critical work of posthumanism and queer theory causes us to move beyond the moralistic binaries of human/non-human and male/female. This deconstruction of binaries leads to a radical rethinking of "reality" and "identity" in an image-saturated, hypermediated age. Viewed from this perspective, Major Kusanagi's body can be better understood less as a reflection of "real" women than as an embodiment of our anxieties on the loss of self and interiority in the SNS-dominated society. As is warned by many posthumanist and queer critics, queer and posthuman components are too often used to reinforce the human. I argue that the Major's hybrid body is neither a mere amalgam of human and machine nor a superficial postmodern blurring of boundaries. Rather, the compelling combination of individuality, animality, and technology embodied in the Major redefines the human as always, already posthuman. This ethical act of revision-its shifting focus from oppressive humanism to a queer coexistence-evinces the lasting power of GITS.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.119-149
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• 2018

Le 樂 is important in Politics of the Kings. It is the same in Nothern Song period(北宋). There was an argument about Le 樂 and Lu 律 in Nothern Song Period. Those who argued were Fan-Jin(范鎭) and Sima-Guang(司馬光). They argued for 30 years. Fan-Jin insists that a standard of weights and measures is Lu and a standard of Lu is the fundamental tone of twelvenotes scale, Hwang-Jong 黃鍾. On the other hand, Sima-Guang insists that a standard of Lu is weights and measures and a standard of Le is Equilibrium and Harmony, Zonghe 中和. Fan-Jin thinks it is possible to restore a Sage King's music through the right standard of Lu. But Sima-Guang thinks it is impossible. Sima-Guang believes that the only way to restore a Sage King's music is to complete Zonghe. And Fan-Jin thinks Zonghe is the work of the king whereas Sima-Guang thinks Zonghe is the order of man and everything. The key point in the argument is Lu and Zonghe. Fan-Jin regards Lu as the basis of music, whereas Sima-Guang regards Zonghe as the basis of music. Lu is a tangible law and Zonghe is a intangible law. Although the argument between the two ended in a stalemate, the argument shows the difference between the scholars at the time.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.