• Title/Summary/Keyword: 금지조항

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A Comparative Study on Korean Compulsory Multiple Prime Contract System (건설산업 제도개선을 위한 분할·분리 발주 제도의 선진화 방안 연구)

  • Kim, Sang-Bum;Cho, Ji-Hoon
    • Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.184-193
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    • 2013
  • Procurement System for Korean construction industry has mainly been controlled by the complicated regulatory system which has been recognized as unflexible and remotely separated from the global standard. This has been identified by many Korean construction experts as one of the main reasons that hamper the Korean construction industry becoming the global leader. One commonly discussed regulatory system is the compulsory multiple contracting system that has been enforced for a long time. According to the Korean governmental contracting law 68-3, all construction projects cannot be divided into separate contracting packages with a few exceptions. Exceptions stated in the law include construction activities related electrical, Information communication, fire-fighting, and cultural assets which all are governed by the separate laws/acts controlled by the different governmental bodies. This research is to closely investigate multiple prime contracting system that has been compulsory in Korean construction industry and to provide policy recommendations to these restrictions. Although, there has been a long history of this compulsory contracting system, this study attempted to provide objective analysis on current status of the system as well as global standard on the issue. This study suggests main considerations when considering different contracting system such as rights of owners, flexibilities of regulatory systems, and efficiencies of conducting a construction project. It is envisioned that recommendations from this study, if accepted by the regulatory bodies, would improve the Korean construction contraction system by making it more compatible with global standard. Moreover, these would help making the Korean industry more effective in terms of regulatory restrictions.

A study on the Institutionalization of Speech-to-text Services for the Deaf People (난청인을 위한 문자통역서비스 제도화 연구)

  • Chun, Dong-Il;Seo, Jeong-Min
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.15 no.4
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    • pp.53-63
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to look at the way that speech-to-text (STT) services are used at present, and to explore measures to institutionalize such services for ease of communication for the hearing impaired. The results of this study show the following: 1) 17.8% of those surveyed had experience of using STT services, with younger individuals showing a higher rate of use; and 2) In terms of organizations providing STT services, social welfare organizations followed by civic groups (18.3%) and public organizations (18.3%). The following institutional measures are needed for STT services. First, STT services should be actively promoted as one of the reasonable conveniences defined in the 'Act on the Prohibition of Discrimination Against Disabled Persons, Remedy Against Infringement of Their Rights, etc.' Second, STT services should be additionally listed as one of the clauses of the 'Act on Welfare of Persons with Disabilities'. In particular, establishing a communication system for those with hearing impairments should serve as a catalyst for integration with sign language interpretation and welfare services. If STT services for face-to-face contacts can be improved or further enhanced using ICT, it will not only open the way for a new influx of disabled workers to join vocational rehabilitation, but also help to improve quality of life for the hearing impaired.

Study on the Justifiable Reasons for Medical Refusal (의사의 진료거부의 정당한 사유에 관한 고찰 -최근 일본의 논의를 중심으로-)

  • Lee, Eol
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.21 no.3
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    • pp.117-144
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    • 2020
  • In accordance with Article 15 of the Medical Law, medical personnel in Korea cannot refuse treatment of a patient unless there is a justifiable reason, and violation of this obligations is subject to criminal penalties. Japan also stipulates the same content in the law. However, this violation of obligations in Japan is not subject to criminal penalties, and is used as a judgment element of the liability for damages of doctors only in the case of damage to the patient. However, in both countries, it is difficult to interpret and apply the law because the regulation is a little ambiguous. In particular, the key is to find out what is the justifiable reason for the doctor to refuse treatment of the patient. Recently, Japan has completed the work of re-examining the discussion on medical refusal from a modern perspective in terms of improving the excessive working environment of doctors. On the other hand, in Korea, it is not clear in what cases it is possible to refuse treatment. because there is a lack of systematic discussion on medical refusal. Rather, unnecessary misunderstandings and controversies have resulted in the loss of trust between patients and doctors. In Korea, there is already a legal right for a doctor to reject it according to his religious beliefs or conscience in the implementation of the suspension of life-sustaining treatment decisions. And in the case of an abortion, debates are underway that doctors should be given the right to refuse it. This study introduces the current state of discussion in Japan, and examines the issues surrounding medical refusal in Korea. It is hoped that this study will facilitate further discussions on the medical refusal.

Standards of Protection in Investment Arbitration for Upcoming Climate Change Cases (기후변화 관련 사건에 적용되는 국제투자중재의 투자자 보호 기준)

  • Kim, Dae-Jung
    • Journal of Arbitration Studies
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    • v.24 no.2
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    • pp.33-52
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    • 2014
  • Although climate change is a global scale question, some concerns have been raised that principles of investment arbitration may not adequately address the domestic implementation of climate change measures. A recent ICSID investment arbitration of Vattenfall v. Germany with regard to the investor's alleged damages from the phase-out of nuclear plants is a salient climate change case. The 2005 Kyoto Protocol was made to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and it provides a number of flexible mechanisms such as Joint Implementation (JI) and Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Implementation of the Kyoto Protocol allows dispute settlement through investor-state arbitration. Any initiation of stricter emission standards can violate the prohibition on expropriations in investment agreements, regardless of the measures created to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The effect-based expropriation doctrine can charge changes to existing emission standards as interference with the use of property that goes against the legitimate expectation of a foreign investor. In regulatory chill, threat of investor claims against the host state may preclude the strengthening of climate change measures. Stabilization clauses also have a freezing effect on the hosting state's regulation and a new law applicable to the investment. In the fair and equitable standard, basic expectations of investors when entering into earlier carbon-intensive operations can be affected by a regulation seeking to change into a low-carbon approach. As seen in the Methanex tribunal, a non-discriminatory and public purpose of environmental protection measures should be considered as non-expropriation in the arbitral tribunal unless its decision would intentionally impede a foreign investor's investment.

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Comparative Review on the Introduction and Operation of Salary Peak System -Focusing on Korea and Japan- (임금피크제 도입운영에 관한 비교법적 검토 -한국과 일본을 중심으로-)

  • Noh, Jae-Chul
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.15 no.11
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    • pp.93-103
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    • 2015
  • In this study, it has an intention of arranging an implication based on an effective introduction of a wage peak system in Japan to settle a mandatory retirement at sixty according to a legalization of retirement age at sixty smoothly. Institutionally, retirement age guaranteed type that reduces wage from certain period before retirement is of great importance. In Japan, mainly features the extension of retirement age that focus on keeping aged employment after retirement. In the introduction of the wage peak system, Korea attaches importance to the wage cost savings, but Japan puts emphasis on using aging workforce. Korea wants to promote the aged employment for retirement age at 60, whereas Japan actively push ahead with retirement age 65 and after that time. South Korea needs to reinforce the pensionable age and the connection though the extension of retirement age via the manpower utilization, employment promotion and the stability. It is necessary to prepare a institutional plan to try not to make a gap of the pensions by guaranteeing or extending the retirement age connect to the age of pensioners though the wage peak system. To activate the wage peak system, it is necessary to acknowledge a legal improvement that concedes rational changes such as the rule of employment. An active interpretation is needed currently though, it is more necessary to review the stipulation and the rational changes of the rule of employment that is established by a precedent like the Japanese legislation case. When a disadvantageous change of works rules is made, it is able to consider establishing the provision in the Act on age Discrimination Prohibition in Employment and Aged Employment Promotion, therefore it won't be able to apply the regulation in the rational criterion that satisfies the standards, rather than amending a Article 94 of the Labor Standards Act that makes accepting the approval of the majority of workers.

International Legal Regulation for Environmental Contamination on Outer Space Activities (우주에서의 환경오염 방지를 위한 국제법적 규제)

  • Lee, Young-Jin
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.153-194
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    • 2009
  • The resources of outer space are for the common exploitation of mankind, and it is a common responsibility of mankind to protect the outer space environment. With the rapid development of space science and technology, and especially with the busy space activities of some major space powers, environmental contamination or space debris is steadily increasing in quantity and has brought grave potential threats and actual damage to the outer space environment and human activities in space. Especially We must mitigate and seek out a solution to remove space debris which poses a threat directly to man's exploitation and use of outer space activities in the Low Earth Orbit (LEO) and in the Geostationary Orbit (GEO), through international cooperation and agreement in the fields of space science, economics, politics and law, in order to safeguard the life and property of mankind and protect the earth's environment. While the issue of space debris has been the subject of scientific study and discussion for some time now, it has yet to be fully addressed within the context of an international legal framework. During the earlier stages of the space age, which began in the late 1950s, the focus of international lawmakers and diplomats was the establishment of basic rules which sought to define the legal nature of outer space and set out the parameters for space activities and the nature and scope of activities carried out in outer space were quite limited. Consequently, environmental issues and the risks that might arise from the generation of space debris did not receive priority attention within the context of the development international space law. In recent years, however, the world has seen dramatic advances in technology and increases in the type and number of space-related activities which are being carried out. In addition, the number of actors in this field has exploded from two highly developed States to a vast array of different States, intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations, including private industry. Therefore, the number of artificial objects in the near-Earth space is continually increasing. As has been previously mentioned, COPUOS was the entity that created the existing five treaties, and five sets of legal Principles, which form the core of space law, and COPUOS is clearly the most appropriate entity to oversee the creation of this regulatory body for the outer space environmental problem. This idea has been proposed by various States and also at the ILA Conference in Buenos Aires. The ILA Conference in Buenos Aires produced an extensive proposal for such a regulatory regime, dealing with space debris issues in legal terms This article seeks to discuss the status of international law as it relates to outer space environmental problem and space debris and indicate a course of action which might be taken by the international community to develop a legal framework which can adequately cope with the complexity of issues that have recently been recognized. In Section Ⅱ,Ⅲ and IV of this article discuss the current status of international space law, and the extent to which some of the issues raised by earth and space environment are accounted for within the existing United Nations multilateral treaties. Section V and VI discuss the scope and nature of space debris issues as they emerged from the recent multi-year study carried out by the ILA, Scientific and Technical Subcommittee, Legal Subcommittee of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space ("COPUOS") as a prelude to the matters that will require the attention of international lawmakers in the future. Finally, analyzes the difficulties inherent in the future regulation and control of space debris and the activities to protect the earth's environment. and indicates a possible course of action which could well provide, at the least, a partial solution to this complex challenge.

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A Study on Imposing Contribution in the Compensation for Uncontrollable Medical Malpractice during Delivery (분만관련 불가항력적 의료사고 보상제도에 있어 분담금부과에 관한 연구 -헌법재판소 2018. 4. 26. 선고 2015헌가13 사건을 중심으로-)

  • Beom, Kyung Chul
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.139-171
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    • 2018
  • The 「Act on Remedies for Injuries from Medical Malpractice and Mediation of Medical Disputes」(hereinafter referred to as 'the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes') provides that the state should compensate the victims of medical accidents occurred irresistibly in childbirth despite that health and medical service personnel fulfilled their duty of care for their damage within the range of its budget(Article 46 of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes). Given that victims of medical accidents could expect demage recovery only through lawsuits thus far, this act can be said to be a groundbreaking act. However, However, as 30% of the costs for such medical accident compensation projects are borne by those who have records of childbirth among the founders of health and medical institutions (Article 21 of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes), there has been a question about whether doctors are held responsible despite that the accidents such as the deaths of mothers and newborn babies occurred irresistibly without doctors' fault. However, recently, the Constitutional Court ruled that 'the range of founders of health and medical institutions' and 'share ratios of finances for compensation' in Article 46 (3) of the Act on Mediation of Medical Disputes' related to the imposition of the share of costs are institutional (Constitutional Court ruling dated April 26, 2018, 2015Heonga13, hereinafter referred to as 'the ruling in the case'). Although the ruling in the case was made based on only the principle of statutory reservation and the principle of ban on comprehensive authorization, this paper added a practical judgment. This paper proved that the share of costs in this case has the nature of burden charges in pursuit of study and does not infringe on the property rights of the founders of health medical institutions even in light of the principle of proportionality because there is a legitimate reason for imposing the burden charge. The imposition of the share of costs in the system for compensation for medical accidents occurred irresistibly is against the principle of liability with fault in part. However, the medical accident compensation projects are rational a national policy for the victims of medical accidents and the medical world clearly gains some benefits from the effect to terminate medical disputes. The expansion of finances for compensation through the payments of the share of costs will reduce the suffering and misunderstanding of victims of medical accidents occurred in the process of childbirth and will be very helpful to the construction of stable treatment environments of medical workers by quickly establishing the medical accident compensation projects as such.

A Study on the Improvement of Airspace Legislation in Korea (우리나라 공역 법제의 개선방안)

  • Kim, Jong-Dae
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.33 no.2
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    • pp.61-114
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    • 2018
  • Recently airspace became a hot issue considering today's international relations. However, there was no data that could be fully explained about a legal system of korean airspace, so I looked at law and practice about korean airspace together. The nation's aviation law sector is comletely separate from those related to civil and military aircraft, at least in legal terms. The Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transport shall carry out his/her duties with various authority granted by the "Aviation Safety Act". The nation's aviation-related content is being regulated too much by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport's notice or regulation, and there are many things that are not well known about which clauses of the upper law are associated with. The notice should be clearly described only in detail on delegated matters. As for the airspace system, the airspace system is too complex for the public to understand, and there seems to be a gap between law and practice. Therefore, I think it would be good to reestablish a simple and practical airspace system. Airspace and aviation related tasks in the military need to be clearly understood by distinguishing between those entrusted by the Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transport and those inherent in the military. Regarding matters entrusted by the Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transpor, it is necessary to work closely with the Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transport when preparing related work guidelines, and to clarify who should prepare the guidelines. Regarding airspace control as a military operation, policies or guidelines that are faithful to military doctrine on airspace control are needed.

1970 UNESCO Convention on the Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property and its Legal Implementations in the Republic of Korea (문화재 불법 거래 방지에 관한 1970년 유네스코 협약의 국내법적 이행 검토)

  • Kim, Jihon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.274-291
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    • 2020
  • This year is the 50th anniversary of the adoption by UNESCO in 1970 of the Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property (the '1970 Convention'). Since its ratification of the 1970 Convention in 1983, the Republic of Korea has domestically implemented the Convention through its Cultural Heritage Protection Act, which was first enacted in 1962. This is a different form of implementation than is normally used for other UNESCO Conventions on cultural heritage, in that the Republic of Korea has recently adopted special acts to enforce the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage and the 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. In addition, the 1970 Convention has been developed further through the introduction of new Operational Guidelines in 2015 for the concrete enforcement of the Convention, which has provided momentum for the Republic of Korea to analyze its current national legislation related to the 1970 Convention as well as consider its amendment in the future. Overall, the Cultural Heritage Protection Act of the Republic of Korea effectively reflects the duties of States Parties under the 1970 Convention. These include measures to introduce export certificates, prohibit the import of stolen cultural property, return other state parties' cultural property, and impose penalties or administrative sanctions in the event of any infringements. Indeed, the Republic of Korea's implementation of the 1970 Convention was introduced as an example of good practice at the Meeting of State Parties in 2019. However, changes in the illegal market for cultural property and development of relevant international law and measures imply that there still exists room for improvement concerning the legal implementation of the 1970 Convention at the national level. In particular, the Operational Guidelines recommend States Parties to adopt legal measures in two respects: detailed criteria for due diligence in assessing bona-fide purchasers, referring to the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects, and measures to address the emerging issue of illegal trade in cultural property on internet platforms. Amendment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act and other relevant laws should be considered in order to duly reflect these issues. Taking that opportunity, concrete provisions to facilitate international cooperation in respect of the implementation of the 1970 Convention could be introduced as well. Such measures could be expected to strengthen the Republic of Korea's international legal cooperation to respond to the changing environment regarding illicit trafficking of cultural property and its restitution.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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