• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.57-79
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• 2016

It is a rising trend that the number of users using one of the social media channels, the Social Network Service, so called the SNS, is getting increased. As per to this social trend, more companies have interest in this networking platform and start to invest their funds in it. It has received much attention as a tool spreading and expanding the message that a company wants to deliver to its customers and has been recognized as an important channel in terms of the relationship marketing with them. The environment of media that is radically changing these days makes possible for companies to approach their customers in various ways. Particularly, the social network service, which has been developed rapidly, provides the environment that customers can freely talk about products. For companies, it also works as a channel that gives customized information to customers. To succeed in the online environment, companies need to not only build the relationship between companies and customers but focus on the relationship between customers as well. In response to the online environment with the continuous development of technology, companies have tirelessly made the novel marketing strategy. Especially, as the one-to-one marketing to customers become available, it is more important for companies to maintain the relationship marketing with their customers. Among many SNS, Facebook, which many companies use as a communication channel, provides a fan page service for each company that supports its business. Facebook fan page is the platform that the event, information and announcement can be shared with customers using texts, videos, and pictures. Companies open their own fan pages in order to inform their companies and businesses. Such page functions as the websites of companies and has a characteristic of their brand communities such as blogs as well. As Facebook has become the major communication medium with customers, companies recognize its importance as the effective marketing channel, but they still need to investigate their business performances by using Facebook. Although there are infinite potentials in Facebook fan page that even has a function as a community between users, which other platforms do not, it is incomplete to regard companies' Facebook fan pages as communities and analyze them. In this study, it explores the relationship among customers through the network of the Facebook fan page users. The previous studies on a company's Facebook fan page were focused on finding out the effective operational direction by analyzing the use state of the company. However, in this study, it draws out the structural variable of the network, which customer committment can be measured by applying the social network analysis methodology and investigates the influence of the structural characteristics of network on the business performance of companies in an empirical way. Through each company's Facebook fan page, the network of users who engaged in the communication with each company is exploited and it is the one-mode undirected binary network that respectively regards users and the relationship of them in terms of their marketing activities as the node and link. In this network, it draws out the structural variable of network that can explain the customer commitment, who pressed "like," made comments and shared the Facebook marketing message, of each company by calculating density, global clustering coefficient, mean geodesic distance, diameter. By exploiting companies' historical performance such as net income and Tobin's Q indicator as the result variables, this study investigates influence on companies' business performances. For this purpose, it collects the network data on the subjects of 54 companies among KOSPI-listed companies, which have posted more than 100 articles on their Facebook fan pages during the data collection period. Then it draws out the network indicator of each company. The indicator related to companies' performances is calculated, based on the posted value on DART website of the Financial Supervisory Service. From the academic perspective, this study suggests a new approach through the social network analysis methodology to researchers who attempt to study the business-purpose utilization of the social media channel. From the practical perspective, this study proposes the more substantive marketing performance measurements to companies performing marketing activities through the social media and it is expected that it will bring a foundation of establishing smart business strategies by using the network indicators.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.101-133
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• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.105-162
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• 2020

In the pandemic of infectious disease, restrictions of individual liberty have been justified in the name of public health and public interest. In March 2020, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea passed the revised bill of the 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act.」 The revised bill newly established the legal basis for forced testing and disclosure of the information of confirmed cases, and also raised the penalties for violation of self-isolation and treatment refusal. This paper examines whether and how these individual liberty limiting clauses be justified, and if so on what ethical and philosophical grounds. The authors propose the theories of the philosophy of law related to the justifiability of liberty-limiting measures by the state and conceptualized the dual-aspect of applying the liberty-limiting principle to the infected patient. In COVID-19 pandemic crisis, the infected person became the 'Patient as Victim and Vector (PVV)' that posits itself on the overlapping area of 'harm to self' and 'harm to others.' In order to apply the liberty-limiting principle proposed by Joel Feinberg to a pandemic with uncertainties, it is necessary to extend the harm principle from 'harm' to 'risk'. Under the crisis with many uncertainties like COVID-19 pandemic, this shift from 'harm' to 'risk' justifies the state's preemptive limitation on individual liberty based on the precautionary principle. This, at the same time, raises concerns of overcriminalization, i.e., too much limitation of individual liberty without sufficient grounds. In this article, we aim to propose principles regarding how to balance between the precautionary principle for preemptive restrictions of liberty and the concerns of overcriminalization. Public health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic requires a population approach where the 'population' rather than an 'individual' works as a unit of analysis. We propose the second expansion of the harm principle to be applied to 'population' in order to deal with the public interest and public health. The new concept 'risk to population,' derived from the two arguments stated above, should be introduced to explain the public health crisis like COVID-19 pandemic. We theorize 'the extended harm principle' to include the 'risk to population' as a third liberty-limiting principle following 'harm to others' and 'harm to self.' Lastly, we examine whether the restriction of liberty of the revised 「Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act」 can be justified under the extended harm principle. First, we conclude that forced isolation of the infected patient could be justified in a pandemic situation by satisfying the 'risk to the population.' Secondly, the forced examination of COVID-19 does not violate the extended harm principle either, based on the high infectivity of asymptomatic infected people to others. Thirdly, however, the provision of forced treatment can not be justified, not only under the traditional harm principle but also under the extended harm principle. Therefore it is necessary to include additional clauses in the provision in order to justify the punishment of treatment refusal even in a pandemic.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.83-114
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.31-62
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to study on the Daesoon Cosmology of the Correlative Relation between Mugeuk and Taegeuk. Daesoon cosmology is a cosmology based on the juxtaposition between the Gucheon Sangje and the world. In this article, I would like to say that this theory in Daesoon Thought was developed in three stages: the phase of the Mugeuk Transcendence of Gucheon Sangje, the stage of the Taegeuk Immanence, and the phase of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk as a correlative gentle reign. First of all, the phase of the Mugeuk Transcendence of Gucheon Sangje has been revealed as a yin-yang relationship. The stage of the Taegeuk Immanence represents the togetherness of harmony and co-prosperity between yin and yang, and the phase of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mukeuk and Taegeuk refers to the unshakable accomplishment of its character and energy. It will be said that this is due to the practical mechanism in the correct balance of yin-yang making a four stage cycle of birth, growth, harvest, and storage. In addition, the Daesoon stage of the settlement of yin and yang is revealed as a change in the growth of all things and the formation of the inner circle. The mental growth reveals the characteristics of everything in the world, each trying to shine at the height of their own respective life as they grow up energetically. The dominant culture of cerebral communion renders a soft and elegant mood and combines yin and yang to elevate the heavenly and earthly period through transcendental change into sympathetic understanding. The stage of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk is one of the earliest days of the lunar month and also the inner circle of Taegeuk. It is in line with Ken Wilbur's integrated model as a step to the true degrees to develop into a world with brightened degrees. It is a beautiful and peaceful scene where celestial maidens play music, the firewood burns, and the scholars command thunder and lightning playfully. Human beings achieve a state of happiness as a free beings who lives as gods upon the earth. This is the world of theGrand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk. Daesoon Thought was succeeded by Dojeon in 1958, when Dojeon emerged as the successor in the lineage of religious orthodoxy and was assigned the task of handling Dao in its entirety. In addition, Daesoon is a circle and represents freedom and commonly shared happiness among the populous. Cosmology in the Daesoon Thought will enable us to understand deep dimensions and the identity of members as individuals within an inner circle of correlation between transcendence and immanence. This present study tries to analyze the public effects philologically and also the mutual correlation by utilizing the truthfulness of literature and rational interpretation. The outlook for the future in Daesoon Thought also leads to the one-way communication of Daesoon as a circle.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.