• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.111-127
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• 2024

Our study investigates the impact of paternalistic leadership on organizational citizenship behavior in the Chinese context. First, we explore whether the benevolent, moral, and authoritative dimensions of paternalistic leadership positively influence organizational citizenship behavior. Second, we examine the mediating role of affective commitment. Third, we investigate whether power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the paternalistic leadership-affective commitment-organizational citizenship behavior mechanism. The results confirm the positive effects of the three sub-dimensions. We also confirm power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the effect of benevolent and moral aspects of paternalistic leadership. These underscore the importance of a dimensional analysis of paternalistic leadership. Theoretical and practical implications are also suggested.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.203-222
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• 2013

This study has been implemented under the two purposes. One is to critically explore how married immigrant women had experienced or experience conflicts, differentiation and so on occurred in their relations to family, neighbor, friend, organization and nation. The other is to understand married immigrant women and family through a new perspective based on a relational space of interacting trans-nation, local and nation. The results of the study are summarized as the followings. Firstly, transnational space is produced by international marriage between Korean man and foreign woman and kept (or activated ) by (non) everyday activities of married immigrant women and family. There are remittance, children's rearing and education, visits to mother's house, emotional interactions by phone and computer and so on. Secondly, multi-layered and relational local spaces have been (re)produced by married immigrant women's various activities related to family, neighbor, friend, nation and so on. Thirdly, married immigrant women's relations to nation state or government has been specifically presented (or expressed) through the acquiring of Korean nationality and government's activities of supporting multicultural family. Married immigrant women feel that their national identity between mother's nation and Korea is ambiguous and undecided.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.4-31
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• 2013

본고는 중세도시연구의 관점에서 도성 헤이안쿄(平安京)가 중세 교토(京都)로 변화하는 계기와 그 의미, 그것이 새로운 무가(武家) 정권도시(政權都市)에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지에 대하여 논하였다. 율령제 마지막 도성인 헤이안쿄는 천황을 절대적 정점으로 한 중앙집권이 동심원구조로 구현된 '왕성(王城)의 땅'이었으나, 10세기 후반 이후 도성의 구심점이었던 내리(內裏)가 헤이안큐(平安宮) 밖으로 나오는 등의 변화가 시작되었고, 도성의 이념과 틀이 급속하게 해체 변용되었다. 또 고대왕권을 대신하여 새로운 형태로 왕권과 여러 권력을 담당한 원(院)과 롱관가(瀧關家), 대두하는 무가권력 등이 그 본거지에 권력의 개성과 시대성을 반영한 새로운 경관과 공간원리를 생성하였다. 그것은 다음과 같은 공통점을 갖는다. (1) 큰 정토정원을 갖는 御堂(사찰)과 세트를 이룬 御所(천황의 거소). (2)황통(천황가 내의 계통)과 가족의 상징으로서 조상을 모신 분묘를 중심으로 한 도시형성. (3) 내리를 기점으로 남북으로 주축을 갖는 고대도성과 달리, 어당과 어소가 동서로 배열된 동서가로를 주축으로 한 도시계획. (4) 수도와 외부를 잇는 교통의 결절점에 입지하였고, 특히 하천변을 향해 적극적으로 확장된 도시. 일본 중세는 무가정권의 시대를 맞이하여 도고쿠(東國) 초기 무가정권의 본거지 히라이즈미(平泉)와 최초의 막부가 열린 가마쿠라(鎌倉)가 모델로 한 것은 '도성 헤이안큐'가 아니라 헤이안큐 수도 밖 신도시의 경관과 공간원리였다. 특히 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라 등이 가정기관(家政機關)과 조상의 묘를 중심으로 한 '가족 원리'에 따른 정권도시를 적극적으로 수용한 것은 단순한 도시의 모방이 아니라 주종관계를 축으로 의제적인 '집(家) 원리'로 권력이 형성된 무가에는 더욱 어울리는 논리이며, 또 고대와는 다른 새로운 시대의 논리였기 때문이다. 그 한편으로 무가의 대들보로서 무사들에 의해 추대된 초기 무가정권은 도시의 논리와 경관을 도입하였을 뿐 아니라 그들과 공통의 가치관을 표현하는 것도 중요한 요소였다. 그것이 최신의 도시를 모방한 어당과, 그것과는 대조적인 도고쿠 무가의 전통적인 어소의 병립이라는 종교공간과 정치 일상공간에서의 권위표상의 의식적인 분리에 의해 표현되었다. 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라에서는 유통, 상공업 등의 도시기능과 도시적인 경관이 정비되기까지 약 50년의 시간이 경과할 필요가 있었다. 12세기 일본의 무가정권은 스스로의 거점으로서 도시를 기획, 형성하는 의식과 실현하는 능력을 얼마나 가지고 있었는가 검토가 필요하다. 명확한 동아시아모델의 도성을 실현함으로써 왕권의 존재를 드러낸 고대 율령정권과의 차이점은 매우 크다. 이후 무가가 권력의 의도를 도시구조로서 명확하게 드러낸 것은 15세기 후반의 전국시대 다이묘(大名)의 죠카마치(城下町)로부터이다. 특히 16세기 후반부터 천하통일을 실현한 오다 노부나가, 도요토미 히데요시의 연합정권에서는 구체적인 성(城)과, 그 성을 중심으로 한 계층성을 명시한 죠카마치의 공간설계가 있었다. 여기서는 다시금 '도시의 경관'이 명확한 권력의 상징으로서 기능하게 된 것이다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.201-212
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• 2011

This study is to carry out meta-analysis on doctoral dissertations which had been written after 2004 when the empirical analysis about digital politics had begun. This study aims to identify tendency of recent analysis. For this purpose, it classifies the research trends of digital politics as political participation, political process, political advertising and election campaigns, and examines the researcher's definition, framework of empirical analysis, and all the results. Moreover, the study systematically summarizes the research model, analysis unit, concept and its components in order to ensure availablity so that the information could be available for the further research.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.103-116
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• 2006

This study suggests the effective approach that successfully establishes the supply chain management(SCM) system as a strategic weapon. To do so, the study conducted an empirical investigation which consisted of the five elements of power process, such as power element, needs, value, environment, relationship, strategic types of SCM, and the manufacturing performance. The results showed that the strategic type of SCM with active power process had higher manufacturing performance than other strategic types of SCM.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.135-159
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• 2018

This thesis compares and analyzes the dynamics between policy, knowledge and power of Myanmar's higher education development. The papers begins by exploring the dynamics during the Socialist Military Regime(1962~1988), the Collapse of Higher Education Era(1988~2010), Thein Sein's Reform Era(2010~2015) and the current Aung San Suu Kyi's Civilian Era(2015~Now). By highlighting recent dramatic policy changes, the article argues that the policy discourse on the subject of internationalization of higher education and the technocratization of education development policy by the current Civilian Government in its new policy discourse, that resulted in the active participation as well as the contributions of international donors has directly impacted on the policy dynamics around the Comprehensive Education Sector Review and the introduction of the National Education Strategic Plan 2016~2020. Further, by examining complex interaction between the current domestic education stakeholders and international donors in education sector in Myanmar, this thesis argues that the new analytical framework on the understanding of policy dynamics in developing countries goes beyond the national level. The paper argues that there needs to be broadening of the analytical framework towards the multidimensional analysis perspective that includes global, national as well as local level policy, knowledge and power dynamics in Myanmar's dynamically changing higher education sector.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.76-84
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• 2010

This study is to critically examine a variety of perspectives of seeing the interactions among space, people, and society. According to Tuan, place is a center of meaning constructed by people's experience, and its attributes consist of natural and built-up environments. Entrikin suggests a way of seeing place from a contrary perspective, that is, the subjective and existential sense of place and the objective and naturalistic conception of place. Lefebvre examines the historical transformation of social space through the dialectics among the perceived space, the conceived space, and the lived space. Social space is (re)produced and changed through the conflictual unit of the spatial triad. The project of Foucault's spatial metaphor is to tightly combine three critical concepts, power, knowledge, and space. Those concepts are not objectively existed regardless of specific times and spaces, but they are socially and culturally constructed through the networks of people under particular environments. In the following papers, it is needed to comparatively examine the various perspectives mentioned above to make a new conceptual framework of understanding the interactions among space, people, and society.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.270-296
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• 2011

The named source kept in all place names alludes to the close relationship between place name and its place while it also becomes a fundamental condition for geographical research on place names. Meanwhile, the named source may be recognized differently according to who the social subjects producing and changing place names Life. Place names represent and constitute the identity and the ideology of the diverse social subjects. This aspect is related to cultural politics concerned with conflicts and contestation among different social subjects over the meaning of place names. Particularly, the Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area in the Korean peninsula has long history and geopolitical location as a borderland and a buffer zone. As a result, it has provided many conditions for cultural diversity and power relations, both of which have caused social subjects to contest their social power across space and time, and has led to produce the several types in the changes of place names. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate the types according to the named source, especially that of the forepart of place names morpheme, and those cultural-political meanings. These place names are classified into three large groups, such as the physical place names, the social place names, and the economic place names. These types of place names have represented the place identity and the ideology of diverse social subjects, and also accompanied the changes by power relations between themselves.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.113-156
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• 2016

Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.