The process of creating Hunminjeongeum described in Haerye version of Hunminjeongeum shows a rule of signification by which a signifiant represents a referent. In this article, I will suggest two types, the mythical and the anti-mythical, that affect the iconic relation between signifiant and referent, and consider how they are realized in Hunminjeongeum. The mythical type is shown as Yin-Yang and the Five Elements Theory and Three Elements Theory of Heaven, Earth and Man dominating the thought of intellectuals at that time. It had became mythos, that is the object of absolute belief, by connecting with the power of King at that time. It is very metaphysical and involves a kind of grand narrative. It is also the voice from the past in time and from China in space. It is reflected in Hunminjeongeum's letter system intactly. Meanwhile, the anti-mythical type also affects the creation of Icon in Hunminjeongeum. Even if Hunminjeongeum had been created from King Sejong's project, its intention seemed to be educational and practical. That is the problem of that time, not of past time, and for common class, not for ruling class. It can be considered as logos in that it had been planned and processed at a real-life situation at that time. Some arguments between King Sejong and liege Choi, Manri about the validity of Hunminjeongeum also show that the creation of Hunminjeongeum had involved the problem of critical logos. Above all, in that referents of Icons of Hunminjeongeum are the figures of human vocal organs, we can suggest that these Icons also implied an Indexicality implying actual connection between voice and body. It can be considered as a deconstrucion of metaphysics and grand narrative that had been dominated by foresaid mythical type. Hereafter, from time when Hunminjeongeum have been widely used, mythos of metaphysics and grand narrative that had dominated Hunminjeongeum have been deconstructed and Hunminjeongeum has become to realize its potential competence of pragmatic sign system for the convenience of common people. Therefore, I expect that the cultural potentiality of Hangul today can be realized by such tendency of logos incessantly deconstructing mythos, that is one direction of mythosemiosis.
An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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제20권3호
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pp.267-286
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2017
The main purpose of this paper is to identify the spatiality of North Korea and China border regions through investigating the exceptional characteristics of the regions with the concept of positionality, which allows us to realize the relative position between subject and object. Border regions could be identified appropriately by considering the concept of switching positionality, as it is a kind of multiple space in which its sudden closure and opening should be configured in accordance with geopolitical and geoeconomic changes centering around border line. The main arguments of this research concerned with border regions with the concept of switching positionality are fallen into three. Firstly, changes in border regions should be analyzed by investigating more broader contexts and conjunctural perspectives, and even an internal condition stemmed from locality. Secondly, trajectories of border regions could be analyzed by the assemblages of various powers. Finally, the positionality of economic actors should be examined by identifying dynamic relations between geoeconomics and geopolitics. In particular, the concept of positionality has led to a number of insights into discussions on time-space, and spatiality in relational-dialectical, socio-spatial, and power-topological perspectives. Based upon this concept of positionality, the research has identified exceptional characteristics in North Korea and China border regions. It argues that the exceptionality of the region has stemmed from the intersection between the unstability of geopolitical security and various geoeconomic benefits.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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제18권3호
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pp.296-318
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2015
The Bru-Van Kieu, one of ethnic minorities in Vietnam, have lived in the mountainous area along the border with Laos for centuries. Approximately by the end of the Second Indochina War, the Bru-Van Kieu were still a kinship-based and non-stratified societal group relying mainly on subsistence economy. Their traditional physical geography, nonetheless, has been transformed vigorously during the last few decades as a result of state-formation processes and changes in macro-economic policies. The paper aims to examine how ethnic minority adapt their livelihood to challenges instigated by macro political and economic processes. By examining livelihood adaptation of the Bru-Van Kieu, the study also identifies strategies that ethnic minorities use to negotiate with more powerful political and economic forces. The authors argue that the Bru-Van Kieu have deployed a strategy combining everyday resistance to maintain their limited social and cultural agencies and utilizing of these agencies in economic adaptation with other cross-ethnic non-state actors, enabling them to tap into new type of resources and opportunities.
This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.
This paper reviews the evolution process of global production network(GPN) discourse, from its origin to the recent theorization, namely GPN 2.0. In so doing, the discursive formation of global production networks is introduced in comparison with a competing discourse global commodity/value chains, with particular attention to conceptual and analytical lacunae in the latter. This article also outlines how the global production network perspective has become a useful discursive and practical tool that allows the examination of the nexus of global economy, transnational corporations, and regional development. Subsequently, a theoretical dearth in the approach is discussed in reference to key critiques, and in this context Yeung and Coe's recent theorization GPN 2.0, which is centered on casual mechanisms and network configurations is reviewed. This paper suggests that the theory adequately addresses the problem of casuality lacking in its precedented conceptual framework, and that it helps exploring the formation and evolution processes of varied production networks(including intrafirm coordination, interfirm control, strategic partnership, and extrafirm bargaining) in connection with competitive dynamics and risky environments. As a result of the theorization, the difference between GPN and the chain approaches has become more apparent, and the idea of extrafirm bargaining is particularly important in the differentiation. Extrafirm bargaining is seen to be a comprehensive networking form inclusive of such GPN 1.0 analytical concepts as value, embeddeness, and power, and research attentive to, and engaging with, the extrafirm networks is expected to help transcending the chain governance approaches' analytical excess of interfirm linkages and industry-centeredness.
Disgust is caused by human being incompleteness and also its denial. Therefore the understanding of disgust is concerned with the understanding of humans. Thinking critically about disgust, we can solve the problems of disgust and reflect on our limitations. I will refer to Nussbaum's view which finds out in "projective disgust" an antipathy to human fault and a wish for completeness. This article is interested in the fact that disgust is not only a rejective feeling of a person but also a collective emotion which is connected with an antagonistic relationship and power exercise. Specifically, this article focuses on the point that disgust is mobilized to maintain a dominative relationship between humans. This is associated with the inner characteristics of disgust because disgust in itself contains a one-sided perspective, exclusiveness, hierarchy, and domination. This article aims to reveal a collusion between disgust and domination. For the purpose we will pay attention to two basic inclinations which are immanent in disgust; purity and exclusion, while relying on Nussbaum's view of disgust. In accordance with this analysis, this article will specificity treat disgust which can be summarized as an ideological function of emotion and its violent tendency. Then, we can ensure that disgust threats the equal and dignitary worth of human beings and hinders the diversity and rationality of a liberal society. In addition, it will be emphasized that disgust should not be used as an ideology which discriminates and suppresses a specific group in a society.
Built upon ethnographic method such as participant observation and in-depth interview, this study analyzes the material culture of electronic flower auctions at Yangjae Flower Market. From the viewpoint of Actor-Network Theory(ANT), this research examines how human actors like dealers and auctioneers interact with nonhuman actors such as market devices and these interactions form networks called "agencement." This research is focused on three main objectives: first, to study how the performance of auctions - i.e. the interactions between auctioneers and dealers - change in the wake of new market devices in the auctions; secondly, to look into what changes artifacts bring to the social relationships between auctioneers and dealers; lastly, to analyze the influence of new market devices on auction price in the market. The results of this research are as follows. First, the appearance of new market devices generates changes in the performance of auctions, which means the change of 'agencement' of flower auctions. Direct interactions between auctioneers and dealers turned into indirect interactions through new market devices. Moreover, the changes in the agencement brought changes to the identity of auctioneers and dealers. Secondly, the new agencement caused by the inflow of new market devices formed the trust between the devices and human actors, which gave rise to the trust in electronic auction and in counterpart actors as well. In addition, new market devices lowered direct interactions between auctioneers and dealers and thus made more equal relationships between the two than before. Lastly, market devices like trading screen reduced the leverage of auctioneers by providing dealers with bidding information previously possessed by auctioneers much openly and dealers were able to decide auction prices in more reasonable and dispassionate manner. Economic agency, power, trust, price, and information in the market is material and sensory.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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제29권1호
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pp.116-136
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2009
Since there are differences in the content, structure and functions of interpersonal communication during the practice of school science classes, it needs to articulate the difference of the modality of pedagogical practice in order to understand science teaching in detail. These characteristics of science teaching can be investigated by further insightful analysis on language in the science classroom. In this study, classroom discourse language codes using Bernstein's code theory were analyzed in the case of a middle school science class on the unit of minerals. The discourse language code was identified by the value of classification, which revealed power relations to the contexts of discourse and participants of discourse. It was also identified by the value of framing, which showed hierarchical relation between teacher and students as discourse subjects, and discursive control on the initiative of discourse. The results addressed that six types of discourse language codes were constructed and that those language codes reflected diverse modalities of science teaching from student-centered instruction to teacher-centered instruction in relation to classroom discourse. The modality of science teaching according to the transition tendencies of discourse language code showed dynamic variations of 'controlled student-centeredness inducing teaching' - 'positional student-centeredness permissive teaching' - 'controlled students' participation permissive teaching' - 'controlled student-centeredness facilitative teaching' - 'student-centeredness enhancing teaching'. In addition, results released that discursively and hierarchically weak control of discourse is necessary for enhancing student-centeredness of science teaching. Moreover, teaching practice enhancing student-centeredness can be accomplished by the harmony of a teacher's perception of discourse language code and his/her orientation to constructivist teaching and student-centered teaching.
Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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제7권2호
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pp.101-110
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2005
Vivienne Westwood could be placed in a unique position in the contemporary fashion design. She has never belonged in a core group of mainstream fashion designer but not been always in an outsider position. She got from mainstream fashion designer circles enormous appreciation, even established fashion industry was influenced by her fashion design. She began her fashion design with rebellious T-shirts like 'destroy' T-shirt, chicken-bone T-shirt, and nipple-zipper T-shirt, all of which revealed her disgust against establishment. All these T-shirts testify her total negation tendency in her youth. However, she did not continue to keep such a kind of total negation attitude against establishment In 1980s she changed her political attitude towards establishment, and this change also found a reflection in her fashion design. In her pirate-collection the dark image of her fashion in the 1970s changed into a totally different bright image with full of gold colour. Although this collection had radiated brightness, it contained still outsider character from mainstream fashion design. The following fashion design in 1980s and 1990s evolved further on the line of Pirate-collection, but they continued to contain certain outsider characteristics. Vivienne Westwood kept some kind of anti-establishment attitude, and this attitude more or little came to the surface of her design. She was always political and critical to the establishment. In 2005, in her 64, she designed a liberty T-shirt, which showed her political attitude and her engagement in social issues. Also it showed the change from the early total negation to the constructive critical affirmation. In this paper the relation between the fashion design of Vivienne Westwood and her political attitude and the influence of her political attitude to her fashion design is analyzed.
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