• Title/Summary/Keyword: 개성(開城)

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Bibliographic consideration on the efficacy and the origin of Korean ginseng (고려인삼의 유래 및 효능의 서지학적 고찰)

  • Kwak, Yi-Seong
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.1
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    • pp.43-56
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    • 2019
  • Korean ginseng (Panax ginseng) has been known as one of the representative special and healthful products originating from Korea for 4500 to 5000 years. The word of ginseng was first mentioned in JiJuZhang(急就章), written by ShiYou during the reign of King Yuah Di of the Chien Han Dynasty, China (33-48 BC). It has been known that wild Korean ginseng grows in Korean peninsula including Manchuria and the ginseng is found only between the $33^{rd}$ and $48^{th}$ parellels of north latitude. Since the times of three kingdom in Korea at 4-7 century, which is Kokuryo, Baekje and Shila, Korea has been the chief ginseng producing country. A large quantity of ginseng was exported from Korea to China for medicinal use at that times. That was written in SamGukSaGi(三國史記) by BuSik Kim of Koryeo Dynasty in Korea in 1145. The cultivation of Korean ginseng was also recorded in Bencaogangmu(本草綱目) written by LiShi Zen during the regin of the Ming Dynasty in 1596, China. The ginseng seedling, which was known as an original method invented by imitating the method of rice transplantation, appeared in the SeungJeongWon Ilgi(the diaries of the royal secretariat, 承政院日記), 1687 in the regin of King SukJong in Korea. It was suggesting that ginseng cultivation was firstly established in the early 1600s in Korea. On the other hand, red ginseng(written as 熟參) was reported firstly in GoRyeoDoGyeong(高麗圖經)(a record of personal experience in Korea, written in 1123) by SeoGung in Song Dynasty, China. The names of Pansam(written as 板蔘) and Pasam(written as 把蔘), which were the another types of red ginseng products, were came on in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1552 and 1602, respectively. Although the term of red ginseng(Hongsam in Korean) was firstly appeared in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1797, it is believed to have been developed a little earlier periods from the King Jungjong(1506~1545) to the King SeonJo(1567~1608) in Korea. Then, the Korean red ginseng has begun production on a large scale in SamJeong Department of NaeJangWon(內藏院 蔘政課) in the Korean Empire(大韓帝國) in 1899. More detailed records about red ginseng production method were written in the SohoDanag Miscellany(韶濩堂集) by Taekyoung Kim at 1916 year in Korea. On the while, the efficacy of ginseng was first recorded in Shennongbencaojing(神農本草經) written in China(BC 83-96) and the efficacy has been continuously inherited.

A Study on the Structure and the owners of the Royal Tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려왕릉의 구조 및 능주(陵主) 검토)

  • Lee, Sang June
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2012
  • There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

A Study on the Construction Date of the Five-story Stone Pagoda at the Dongsa-ri Temple Site in Buyeo (부여 동사리사지(東寺里寺址) 오층석탑 건립 연대 고찰)

  • Kang, Samhye
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.99
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    • pp.50-71
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    • 2021
  • The Five-story Stone Pagoda from the Dongsa-ri Temple Site in Buyeo, dated to early Goyeo Dynasty, is valuable in that it is the southernmost example of the capital Kaesong pagoda style. This pagoda exhibits characteristics of the central Goryeo style featured in the pagodas built in and around the capital Kaesong, such as the diagonally curved section of the support for the cover stone above the upper stereobate. It also shares stylistic affinities with eleventh-century stone pagodas. The ansangmun (elephant eye patterns) in the lower stereobate of the Dongsa-ri Five-story Stone Pagoda resemble those in the pedestal of the Stone Seated Buddha (which was likely repaired in 1028 during the reign of King Hyeonjong), at the Jeongrimsa Temple site in Buyeo. It also reflects elements found in the flagpole supports from the Cheonheungsa Temple site in Cheonan. The sculpting techniques used in these patterns are also similar. Such congruencies suggest that the Dongsa-ri Five-story Stone Pagoda was built in the eleventh century. The Dongsa-ri Temple Site in Buyeo, located near the Geumgang River, served as a principal route for transporting grain-tax during the Goryeo Dynasty. It was also situated along the way to the Goryeo royal temple, Gaetaesa Temple. The geographical significance of the site and the extensive repairs undertaken at Jeongrimsa Temple during the reign of King Hyeonjong (r. 1009-1031) of the Goryeo Dynasty appear to have impacted the production of the Dongsa-ri Five-story Stone Pagoda. The Dongsa-ri Five-story Stone Pagoda also bears stylistic resemblances to the stone pagoda and flagpole supports found at neighboring Cheonheungsa Temple, which is presumed to be related to the establishment of Honggyeongsa (or Honggyeongwon) Temple in 1021 in Cheonan. This indicates the route of the transmission of the Kaesong pagoda style. The Five-story Stone Pagoda from the Dongsa-ri Temple Site pays testimony to the cultural accomplishments of eleventh-century stone artworks in Buyeo and adjacent regions. This pagoda embodies the majestic and assertive aesthetics that define of the Goryeo Dynasty, as do early Goryeo colossal Buddhist sculptures, including the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva at Daejosa Temple in Buyeo, the Stone Standing Buddha Triad at Gaetaesa Temple in Nonsan, and the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva at Gwanchoksa Temple in Nonsan. All of these bear similarities to the massive stone lantern and pagoda at Hyeonhwasa Temple in the capital Kaesong. The production of the light, sleek, sharp, and sophisticated Dongsa-ri Five-story Stone Pagoda is presumed to reflect the maturity of the cultural competence of the people in Dongsa-ri, Buyeo under the influence of Buddhist culture from the capital Kaesong during the eleventh century, a time marked by active cultural exchanges among regions.

Interpretation of Cultural Landscape at the Geumsidang(今是堂) sibigyung(12 Landscapes) in Miryang, Gyungnam (밀양 금시당(今是堂) 12경의 문화경관 해석)

  • Eom, Tae-Geon;Kim, Soo-Jin;Park, Jung-Lim;Kang, Han-Min;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.1-18
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    • 2011
  • This study has been examined characteristics of Yeoju Lee family, rich group at Miryang in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, around Geumsidang(今是堂) Lee Gwang-jin remains as a cultural landscape appeared in pictures, poetry, and a strange story. Geumsidang Lee Gwang-jin returned to his old home abandoned the middle government post after the death of Moonjeong queen in socially confused stage and tried to manage an annex to a Geumsidang located in Baekgok of Eungchun riverside, and Geumsidang he managed was affected by his teacher and uncle Wolyoun Lee Tae of a view of nature, filial behavior, and nature management etc. Also, 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' is landscape painting with the actual view not like the '8 landscapes of So-Sang' or '8 landscapes of Sa-Si' which is abstract landscape and Lee Gyeong-hong drew 12 landscapes of Geumsidang that includes Angbong(鶯峰: nightingale peak), Yongdu mountain(龍頭山), Mubong Buddhist temple(舞鳳寺), Maam mountain(馬巖山), Wolyeon-dae(月淵臺), Saindang village(舍人堂村), Youngnam-ru(嶺南樓), Miryang eubseong(密陽邑城), Eyeonso(梨淵沼: pear tree deep water), Yullim(栗林: chestnut tree forest), Miryang river(密陽江), Sammundong fields(沙門野), land and government office owned by Yeoju Lee family as landscape objects. 'Poems of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' by Lee Yong-gu 11th sons of Lee Gwang-jin was written based on 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang', and sang for time, season, and changes of the weather. All 12 poems are all a quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line consisted of all 28 words, but does not match completely with shown elements in pictures because it is not a simple description of pictures but it is recreated by writer's personality. Therefore these painting shows not only th meaning of filial behavior but also village owned by Yeoju Lee family rich group in Miryang, and these poem recreated the pictures by changing as certain scenic spot with the object of enforcing territory of Yeoju Lee family.

A Study on 'Seungininsangmu' of Haejugwonbeon (<성인인상무>에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Young-Hee;Kim, Kyung-Sook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.35
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    • pp.93-123
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    • 2017
  • The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

Growth at Heading Stage of Rice Affected by Temperature and Assessment of the Target Growth Applicable to North Korea for Breeding in South Korea (기온에 따른 벼 출수기 생육 반응 및 남한에서 북한 적응 품종 육성을 위한 출수기 목표 생장량 추정)

  • Yang, Woonho;Choi, Jong-Seo;Lee, Dae-Woo;Kang, Shingu;Lee, Seuk-ki;Chae, Mi-Jin
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.108-121
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    • 2021
  • Field studies at Suwon, Cheorwon, and Jinbu were carried out to determine the relationship between mean temperature from transplanting to heading (MT) and growth at heading stage of rice. P lant height (P H) and dry weight (DW) at heading stage were significantly correlated with MT, showing second degree polynomials. The optimal temperatures for PH and DW were 23.2 ℃ and 22.8 ℃, respectively. Little differences in rice growth among soils collected from the experimental sites and the temperature-response in a phytotron study supported that MT was the main determinant of the growth shown in the field study. Though number of days to heading increased as MT decreased, cumulative temperatures (CT) affected by sites and MT for given varieties were fairly constant. When applying specific CT for each of the varieties to the temperature in North Korea, (1) five regions (Kaesong, Haeju, Sariwon, Nampo, Pyongyang) were suitable for early to mid-maturing varieties and (2) 14 regions (Yongyon, Singye, Anju, Kusong, Sinuiju, Changjon, Wonsan, Hamhung, Pyonggang, Yangdok, Huichon, Supung, Sinpo, Kanggye) were suitable only for early-maturing varieties. In (1) regions, the similar extent of growth with that in Suwon could be achieved when mid-maturing varieties grown in Suwon are cultivated. Among (2) regions, early-maturing varieties are expected to demonstrate the similar extent of growth with that in Cheorwon in 9 regions except Hamhung, Kanggye, Pyonggang, Yangdok, and Sinpo. For Hamhung and Kanggye, the target PH was assessed as 4cm higher than that shown in Cheorwon. P lant height of 8-14cm and DW of 2-4g per hill greater than those shown in Cheorwon were the target growth for P yonggang, Yangdok, and Sinpo to attain the similar amount of growth with that in Cheorwon. It is suggested that rice varieties for North Korea could be bred by adjusting the target growth at the breeding sites in South Korea.

A Study on the Painting's Aesthetic of Namnong Heo Geon's NewNamhwa (남농(南農) 허건(許楗) '신남화(新南畵)'의 회화심미 고찰)

  • Kim, Doyoung
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.187-195
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    • 2021
  • Nam Nong Heo Geon(1908-1987) re-recognized and re-created the tradition of Korean Namjong painting by excluding Japanese art forms after liberation. He is a great painter in the Korean art world, who has succeeded and developed Korean Namjong Painting in a modern way, pioneering a new field of 'NewNamhwa' with a composition that fuses modern Western style and real scenery. Based on optimism, Namnong's painting world can be divided into three periods: the 'Namnong Sanin' period in the 1930s, the 'Namnongoesa' period from the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, and the 'the owner of Unlimsanbang' period after that. The Namnong Sanin period is a period in which the painting style handed down from the traditional namhwau family of Sochi and Misan is fully acquired, and the Japanese painting style for the exhibition in Seonjeon is reflected, and the local real scenery is treated a lot, and the two styles are mixed. In the Namnong-oesa period, after liberation, a new formativeness was explored in the traditional Namhwa style. In particular, based on the scenery and sentiments of the southern provinces, he focused on local and landscape paintings, depicting real landscapes with lyricism and local love, while expressing subjects with fast brush strokes, a worndown writing brush, and dry brushes, along with freehand adjustment of shading. The period of the owner of unlimsanbang is in accordance with the flow of modern art to some extent, but is gradually omitted as a composition full of academic fragrance that draws a meaning befitting traditional painting. I painted a lot of lyrical landscapes and pine trees of sumugdamchae. Namnong named it 'NewNamhwa'. Namnong established 'Namhwa Research Institute' and worked hard to nurture his disciples, where Im-in's son Heomun and Namnong's eldest grandson Heojin practiced, continuing the legacy of the 5th generation Unlimsanbang painter.

A Study on the aesthetic of Calligraphy by Seok Jeon Hwang Wook (석전(石田) 황욱(黃旭)의 서예미학(書藝美學) 고찰)

  • Kim, Doyoung
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.8 no.2
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    • pp.227-234
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    • 2022
  • Seok Jeon Hwang Wook (18913~1999), a descendant of a traditional literary writer in the western part of Honam, did not join the flow of modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. And throughout his life, he enjoyed himself without losing the appearance of a scholar, immersed himself in traditional calligraphy, and gained spotlight at his late age for his original hand grabbing calligraphy. Immediately after the Korean War, all of his property was lost due to his two sons' left-wing activities, causing great pain at home. Even in the most painful and difficult time in human history, he relied on brushes, poetry, and gayageum to keep his upright scholarly spirit and national love. And beyond the pleasures of the worldly senses, he played with self-satisfaction in the 'true pleasure(大樂)' without greed. In the course of his studies, he focused on honing the fonts of Wang Hui-ji, Gu Yang-sun, An Jin-gyeong, Jo Maeng-bu, and Xin-wi and Lee Sam-man without a special teacher. In particular, he faced a crisis of having to give up his brush due to tremor that came after his 60th birthday, but he showed a strong will. He transformed it into a new style of art, such as developing hand grabbing calligraphy(握筆法) with a strong and strong energy that no one could match. From 1965 to 1983, 'right hand grabbing calligraphy' was used, and from 1984 to 1993, 'left hand grabbing calligraphy' was used. She made her name as a calligrapher widely known in 1973 (age 76) with her first solo exhibition, The Calligraphy Exhibition commemorating her 60th wedding anniversary. His writing method is naturally rough and sloppy by breaking away from the previous calligraphy methods and artificial technique, and is unfamiliar yet full of muscle. And the calm, strong and rough chuhoegsa(錐劃沙) and the heavy yet majestic ininni(印印泥) individual handwriting expressed a strange feeling and achieved original Seokjeon calligraphy that went beyond the existing calligraphy writing methods, and his indomitable calligraphy spirit was As a unique existence in the history of calligraphy, he still remains as a model.

The Development and Sementic Network of Korean Ginseng Poems (한국 인삼시의 전개와 의미망)

  • Ha, Eung Bag
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.4
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    • pp.13-37
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    • 2022
  • Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

The Korean Girl Group Kara's Differentiation Strategy Which Overcome the Trilemma and Led to the Great Reversal Success (삼중고 탈피 후 대역전의 성공을 이끈 걸 그룹'카라'의 차별화 전략)

  • Kim, Jeong-Seob
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.169-178
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    • 2021
  • The Korean girl group "Kara" has suffered the trilemma of its de facto failure to debut, the crisis of team breakup, and the CEO crisis of the agency. But the group has made an outstanding achievement in the history of Korean pop music after overcoming all odds. Their success strategy has never been disclosed by insiders involved in Kara's total music projects. This study has been carried out in the analysis of the strategy to provide academic implications and to honor the contribution of the late CEO Ho-yeon Lee and Kara's key member Ha-ra Gu. Therefore, between Nov. and Dec. 2020, we conducted in-depth interviews with managers, composers, stylists and Ha-ra Gu(Only in 2019, before her death) who took part in the project. The research model is set up by combining Porter's Competitive Advantage Strategy and the music value chain model into categories of "Product Innovation Differentiation (PD)" (producing, album production, performance activities) and "Marketing Differentiation (MD)" (market targeting, image specialization, promotion and communication). The analysis showed that the PD focused on complete rediscovered harmonization and revalued members' personality and sincerity with peppy songs and dainty dances as well as emission of "bright energy" which caused healing effects instead of mimicking other star singers recklessly. In terms of MD, they selected Japan's 10-20s as their main market, increasing intimacy with fans and media with the image of cute+pretty+classy+sexy. The result suggests that Poter's differentiation can function as a meaningful strategy frame in the fostering, hit, and revival of idol groups. In addition, it reaffirmed that spontaneous and passionate activities of early-stage or celebrity fan may serve as a valid catalyst for realizing differentiation, as Kara's caller of Japanese actor Gekidan Hitori caused a strong "priming effect" that drove Kara's unexpected wonderful success in Japan.