• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.51-70
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• 2010

Hushoujing(狐首經) is Fengshui documents traditionally known to be written by Baihe(白鶴) of Han(漢) dynasty, which is hardly known in Korea. Baihe, the author, like Qingwuzi(靑烏子) has no evident personal background in history. There is a copy known to be written by Baihe of Han dynasty included in Dilitongyiquanshu(地理統一全書), which was published in 1628. The editor is known as Yuxiangtou(余象斗) from Fujiansheng(福建省) Jianyangxian(建陽縣) the same home town as Zhuxi(朱熹)'s. In contents and system, Hushoujing has the deep(profound) relationships between Qingwujing(靑烏經) and Zangshu(葬書), which attracts attention nowadays. Studying the relationships between Qingwujing, Zangshu and Hushoujing is the realm which requires systematic approach. Another reason for Hushoujing's attraction in Fengshui research lies in the contents related with Liqilun(理氣論). Mentioning Xingqilun(形氣論), Hushoujing also includes the explanation of Chinese compass needle, Deshui(得水) and Pokou(破口), and it is directly connected with the main theme of Liqilun. Hushoujing reveals a view point that both Xingqi(形氣) and Liqi(理氣) are important. Accordingly this means that we can understand Liqilun more clearly through studying Hushoujing. It is clearly recorded in the documents of Song(宋) dynasty that there was odd notes documents of Hushoujing as well as mentioning it. Therefore it is very likely that Hushoujing had been written before Song dynasty. Being contained in Huxianshengyinyangbeiyong(胡先生陰陽備用), Dilicanzanxuanjixianp oji(地理參贊玄機仙婆集), Dilitongyiquanshu, Lidaidilizhengyimishuershisizhong(歷代地理正義秘書二十四種), Xingjiaershizhong(形家二十種), 5 kinds of Hushoujing's copies are descended. The contents of Hushoujing are also introduced in documents of sejong period in The Annals of the Choson Dynasty. This means that Hushoujing is the geographical books prevailed representatively in early years of Choson Dynasty and studying Hushoujing is indispensible to studying Fengshui history or Chinese compass(羅盤) as well as deep understanding of Fengshui theory.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.62 no.6
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• pp.80-97
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• 2012

This study empirically examined Seo Yu-gu's views on constumes that are based on 'Boksikjigu[服飾之具]' of Seomyongji[贍用志] in Imwonkyungjeji[林園經濟志]. In 'Boksikjigu', Seo Yu-gu explained different situations and problems that were related to costumes and proposed solutions for the problems. This study examined the contents, and divide the items into caps, accessories, and clothes. The results of this study were as follows. First, Seo Yu-gu in he rited the tradition of erudition. Seo Yu-gu classified various costume items systematically, and explained in detail about the origin, history and materials of the costume items. Second, he emphasized frugality, effective use, and welfare. Seo Yu-gu argued that the sleeves should be shortened for convenience and tried to improve practicality in the functional aspect. Also, he wanted to enrich people's life by improving the convenience of goods used in daily life. Third, he tried to establish identity as a Confucian intellect. This idea was clearly shown in 'costumes'; therefore, they served as evidences that Seo Yu-gu used to correct wrong practices through precise historical investigation and review of Shim-ui[深衣], the symbol of the practice of Jujagarye[朱子家禮]. In his later years, he discovered the plain dress that was worn as a casual wear by ZhuXi[朱熹]and tried to wear it in dailylife.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 1997

Cho, Tak(曺倬)'s Yi-Yang-Pyun(二養編), first published in the 12 year of Kwang-Hae-Kun(光海君) era(1620), is composed of two parts. The first part is an edition of various Confucian scriptures that is used to control and restrain the mind. The second pan, considering mostly of contents borrowed from medical works, anthologies and books on yang-saeng(養生), is used to maintain the well-being of the body. Yi-Yang-Pyun shows several distinct characteristics of Yang-saeng ideas. first, it follows the teachings of Yi, Hwang(李滉) which denotes the state of body and mind according to the Kyung(敬) philosophy. 'Kyung' is a state of being that does not require bondage as it automatically reveres the mind. Therefore, actively fostering the body and mind is to maintain this respective state of being. Second, it has summarized and arranged certain medical contents from the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑) for the purpose of discovering the truth underlying one's body in an effort to pursue the logics of universal nature. Third, although it was based on the contents of Confucianism related books, it widely encompassed the regimen of Taoism. Fundamentally, the Confucian had regarded the Taoism as a heretic, but accepted it in e influence of Zhu xi(朱熹) who interpretated Can-Tong-Qi(參同契) with Confucian perspectives and put in practice the regimen of Taoism. In this context, Yi-Yang-Pyun also used jointly Taoism-related books with Confucian scriptures. Although Taoist regimen was accepted, elixir(外丹), conjury of Taoist hermit(神仙方術) and issues which run counter to morality like sexual practices(房中術) were not. Most of regimens used were related to disease-prevention and health-enhancement like breathing(服氣法), gym-nastics(導引), Diet(服餌) etc. Ideas of Yi-Yang-Pyun, written from Confucian perspectives, latter heavily influenced on scholars of inner elixir(內丹).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.141-169
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• 2020

This study focuses on the interpretation and transformation of "The Great Learning" within the Korean new religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe. Joseon Dynasty Korea was a member of the Chinese Character Cultural Sphere in East Asia. The examination and recruitment system of the Yuan Dynasty influenced the Joseon Dynasty for a long historical period. Zhu Xi's (朱熹) version of The Four Books were accepted and applied in imperial examinations during the Joseon Dynasty. The 18th century Confucian thinker, Jeong Yak-Yong (丁若鏞), overturned and rebuilt his own system for studying and interpreting The Four Books (四書學). Zhu Xi and Jeong Yak-Yong's systems of thought influenced Confucianism knowledge in that era. The historical figure deified as the Supreme God by Daesoon Jinrihoe, Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山), was trained in the study of The Four Books within that cultural and philosophical context, and this is especially evident in his interpretation and transmission of "The Great Learning." Kang Jeungsan regarding The Great Learning as deeply important. That text combined Confucian discourse on Principle, Mind, and Practice. In his interpretation, The Great Learning was also a medical and religious book that had holy and mysterious powers. In Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do (direct predecessors to Daesoon Jinrihoe), Jo Jeongsan interpreted the concept of Sincerity and Regularizing the Mind and incorporated them into doctrine as 'Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness' and 'Guarding against Self-deception.' Park Wudang practiced and spread those doctrines to Korea, and Daesoon Jinrihoe devotees continue to follow those doctrines in present times.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2023.05a
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• pp.289-289
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• 2023

4차산업 혁명이 도래한 이후로 전세계적으로 AI 기술이 유래 없는 속도로 발달 및 활용되고 있으며, 다양한 분야에서 AI 기법을 도입한 연구가 활발히 진행 중에 있다. 최근 수자원 분야에서는 단기 강우 예측, 댐 유입량 예측 및 하천 수위 예측 등의 분야에서 AI 기술이 접목되어 꾸준한 기술 개발이 이루어지고 있다. 그러나 단변량으로 축척된 자료를 활용하여 중·장기 모형 개발 연구가 다수 진행되고 있지만, 급격한 기후변화 현상과 복잡한 매커니즘을 보이고 있는 기상현상의 경우 단변량 분석으로서는 정확도가 저하 될 수 있는 우려가 있는 것이 현실이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 상기에 제시된 단점을 극복하고자 다양한 기상자료를 검증·예측인자로 활용함과 동시에 Deeplearning 모형과 결합하여 신뢰성 있는 단기 강수 예측이 가능한 모형을 개발하였다. 본 연구에서는 유럽중기예보센터(ECMWF, European Center for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts)에서 제공하고 있는 ERA5 재해석 자료를 활용하였으며, Deeplearning 모형과 결합하여 단기 강우 예측이 가능한 모형을 개발하였다. 1차적으로 격자자료(25km×25km)로 제공되고 있는 ERA5 자료를 상세화(downscaling) 모형에 적용하여 기상청 관측소와 비교·검증하였으며, Deeplearning 모형을 통해 단기 예측이 가능한 모형으로 확장하였다. 이때 Deeplearning의 다양한 모형 중 시계열 분석에 있어 예측 성능이 높은 LSTM 모형을 활용하였으며, 제공되고 있는 대기 변수의 상호관계를 노드간 연결을 통해 결과의 정확도와 신뢰성을 확보하였다. 본 연구 결과는 기관별로 제공하고 있는 예측 수준을 상회하는 결과를 도출하였으며, 홍수기에 집중되는 강우량을 예측하여 대비·대책을 선제적으로 마련할 수 있는 자료로써의 활용성이 높을 것으로 사료된다.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.17-27
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• 2024

This research interprets the unique hybridity of the pavilion architecture in the Joseon Dynasty, in which the name and form do not match and the rooms and floors are combined in various ways, through the Confucian architectural prototype Muijeongsa(武夷精舍) built by Zhu Xi(朱熹). The architectural representation of Muijeongsa, developed against the background of the mid-Joseon period of active pavilion management by Sarim(士林) groups, the spread of ondols due to the Little Ice Age, and an architectural culture following the footsteps of the Zhu Xi is likely to have influenced the perception and practice of pavilion architecture. In this research, by examining and analyzing the contents of the Muijeongsa Japyeongbyeongseo(武夷精舍雜詠幷序) containing the architectural composition of Muijeongsa, it was confirmed that different types of spaces such as Dang(堂), Jeong(亭), Jae(齋), and Gwan(館) are integrated into Muijeongsa. Based on this, the main examples of the architecture of Jeongsa in the mid-Joseon Dynasty were reinterpreted into four types from the perspective of the combination of Dang and Jeong, and the junction of Jeong and Jeongsa. Dang and Jeong were either juxtaposed as separate buildings or implemented with a relationship of inclusion within one building. And the concept of Jeong, which was considered secondary to Dang, was used as a category that was replaced with the Jeongsa itself. Lastly, the name 'Jeongsa' was used, but the location had a strong character of 'Jeong', and the architectural form adhered to the form of 'Dang', thereby exquisitely reconstructing the composition of Muijeongsa as a single building.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.347-374
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• 2011

Along with Hujiwara Seika(藤原惺窩), Hayashi Razan(林羅山) is called the founder of the Japanese Confucianism in the Eto(江戶) era. And it is necessary for us to grasp that how Razan understand the theory of I-Ki(理氣論), then we can investigate the characteristics of his thought. In ordinary, people understand that the theory of I-Ki, as a completed view of the world, is integration of the structure of theory of the neo-Confucianism. So a certain thinker's ideological attitude is determined according to how people understand the theory. And then we can grasp the structure of his view of the world and human. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to study how Razan had understanded the I(理) and Ki(氣). In spite of a scholar of Zhu Xi(朱熹), Razan didn't accept Zhu's view of I-Ki, he seem to lean toward the view of Wang Yangmings'(王陽明) in the his early learning days. But that doesn't mean he is a scholar of doctrine of Wang Yangming. When he meets the logical contradiction under the process of investigating the problem of Sein and Sollen, he just only to explain it with logic of Ki(氣) which is closed by mind. Meanwhile if we suppose I(理) is pure goodness and there is no things outside of I(理), if so Razan doubts about that where is the root of evil and he try to investigate the answer. In his latter years, Razan takes Zhu Xi's doctrine again get out of the mental attitude to the view of I-Ki(理氣). The outcome of precedent study about Razan points a fact that Razan needs a little more digging into the ieda of 'Fact and Sollen' which had been the reason of ideal confusion of him. But his ideal confusion is not the point of issue. Point is that Razan had understanded I-Ki(理氣) with monistic of Shim(心) in his early years. As a result, that bring about the outcome which exclude ontological thinking, and had come to grips with aspects of Sollen of all things in understanding of the doctrine of Zhu Xi. And I think that is the clue to understanding of Razan's learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.267-293
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• 2014

This paper is aimed at analyzing the characteristics of Image-Meaning theory focused on image in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and SongMing period. Zhouyi' theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty was constructed on the basis of Zhouyi' theory of SongMing period. The characteristics of Image-Meaning theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be explained largely by two routes. One is the perspective of critical succession on Zhouyi'theory of focusing on meaning that led Chengyi(程?) and Yangwanli(楊萬裏). As the representative of this route, Gwongeun and Toegye not only asserted Image-meaning theory focused on meaning, but also developed a perspective of taking all the image and meaning. The other is the active succession and creative transformation about Image-Meaning theory of Tushuxue that led Chentuan(陳?) and Shaoyong(邵雍). As the representative of that route, Yulgok and Yeohun explained the schematic diagram of the universe of the universe by using methodology of Tushuxue. Furthermore, they actively succeed Shaoyong' Zhouyi theory to expand Image-Meaning theory focused on number. In addition, Cho, Haoyi(曺好益)described the propositions - "meaning is not out of image area, image equipped with meaning all, then there is no law of limitation in image adopted theory. Those propositions are opposed to Chengyi(程?) and Zhuxi(朱熹)' ZhouYi' theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.251-276
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• 2017

This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.