• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.33-54
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• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.267-296
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• 2010

There exists various advantages and disadvantages with various thoughts in human beings. Therefore, it causes very complicated conflict by these diversity. It would be impossible if there would not be solved in classes, areas, schools, cultures whether it is simple or complicated. The proposition which totally shows these logic are Cheng-Yi(程頤, 1033-1107)'s principle is one but its manifestations are many(理一分殊) and Yul-gok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s all penetrating Li and defining Ch'i. The main concern is how to realize concretly the pure goodness in theory of principal and vital force. There are opinion which Li shows it's pure goodness initiatively and it only has to be shown through Ch'i. Toi-gyeo(退溪, 1501-1570)and Woo-dam(愚潭, 1625-1707) thought the subjectivity lies on Li which shows itself even though Li can't shows itself. On the while, Yul-gok thought it realize through Ch'i, and Li has the superintendence which Li shows itself through Ch'i. Regardless with above, Nok-mun(鹿門, 1711-1788) had the point of view which pure goodness come to realize by the coincidence of Li and Ch'i, on the same time, it didn't matter whether the subjectivity lay on Li or Ch'i, Li showed by nature while Ch'i did by vital energy controlled and worked together. While Yul-gok established his theoretical ground of universality in the best pure good and its bases on the realization, Woo-dam put an emphasis on the practice and realization of goodness to endow with its positive meaning. On the contrary of it, Nok-mun emphasised vital enerty, that is, enabled to realize goodness which premised Li and Ch'i are reciprocally related to other in non-segregated condition(理氣不相離). Still however, the most important thing is how the rightness can be concreately explained which human have to practice its pure goodness. It is not restricted on the Sung Confucianism, it is the material question in philosophy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.343-370
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• 2018

Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) completed "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") at the age of 72, and later had the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) with his disciple, Lee Sik(李?). Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had the position of Runwuxingyilun(人物性異論) and Lee Sik(李?) Runwuxingtonglun(人物性同論). Yet, the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) had been forgotten and "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") could be acknowledged because Toegye school(退溪學派) and Yulgok school(栗谷學派) were conflicting and criticizing each other's stance at that time. It seems like Lee Hyeon-Il(李玄逸)'s "Liqulishilunsiduanqiqingshubian"("栗谷李氏論四端七情書辨") had a great influence on the completion of "Siqibianzheng" ("四七辨證"). Lee Yi(李珥)'s thought of Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) was 'the position of Hunlun(渾淪)' that 'Qiqing(七情) includes Siduan(四端)', and Lee Hwang(李滉) had the 'position of Fenkai(分開)' that Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) should be interpreted differently. Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized the stance of Hunlun(渾淪) from the position of Fenkai(分開). What did Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) try to pursue through "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證")? This fact tends to make us forget the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) between Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) and disciple Lee Sik(李?). Now we know the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized Lee Yi(李珥) in "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證"), but don't care much about the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) caused the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilun(人物性同異論). Why "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") has remained in our memory even though it was an important one? It might be because "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") had an impact on Lee Sik(李?), Shin Hu-Dam(愼後聃), and even Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) in the process of summarizing the arguments over Siduanqiqinglunzheng(四端七情論爭) since Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) regardless of whether Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had hoped it or not.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.469-496
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• 2009

Ding Shihan(styled Yutan; 丁時翰, 愚潭) was famous for his four-seven differentiation(四七辨證) on the area of neo-Confucianism. Yet few comments and criticism were made on his poetry, for rarely of which was handed down from generations. Hence there is a mystry on his talent in terms of poetics. Noted by Zhou Dunyi(styled Lianxi; 周敦頤, 濂溪) and Zhuxi(styled Hui'an; 朱熹, 晦庵) in Song Dynasty, most of neo-Confucianism scholars after them were expert at intoning and thus formed the poetic school of "Elegance of Lian-Luo"(濂洛風雅). Therefore, there is also a mystry on how his poetry related to his works of neo-Cunfucianism. During his whole life, Ding never involved himself in politics as an official. He read Confucian classics a lot, and was also proficient in classics of Buddhism and Taoism. In addition, he was fond of travelling in nature. A superfical conclustion is made based on these situation that his thoughts was closely linked with Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Therefore, it is worth elaborating whether his thoughts belonged to Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, and whether he was a pure Confucian( 醇儒) through his whole life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2010

This research was made on the interpretation of cultural landscape elements which is shown at nature management around Gyeongcheondae managed by Udam Chae Deug-gi, scholar in Joseon dynasty. Naming the nature management and natural features not only reflected on the formation toward the view of nature by the contemporary intellectuals, but influenced on the fashion of garden culture. Udam Chae Deug-gi dwelt in the riverside of Sangju, Kyungbuk as the characteristics of hermitage and managed landscape and had a willing to live a life free from worldly cares. The Gyeongchundae 28 landscapes, which was managed by himself, represent that natural features are named on the basis of neo-confucian principle and loyalty and he imposed symbolic meaning on landscape management by practically translating his aesthetic consciousness to reality; the name of detailed landscape is largely 'loyalty to Ming dynasty and to king's order and loyalty', 'Taoism' and 'Management will of landscape' by the life of metaphor and enjoyment, and symbolizes 'Searching for learning'. In addition, by selecting 10 out of 28 landscapes around Gyeongcheondae, lyrically describing the landscape by representing the change of time, season and the climate which is the scenic term of Great 8 Sosang views in fashion at that time focusing on the place he strolled or enjoyed watching himself; it can be seen that such moves are related with the landscape management in fashion in order to understand microcosmic providence with the change of natural environment. Therefore, Udam Chaedeug-gi is regarded as the neo-confucian view of nature for which any value scholars in Joseon dynasty have to own - 'loyalty' and 'integrity' - he usually emphasized himself to name the natural features and overcome the darkness of society comparing the landscape management around Gyeongchundae he lived a life free from worldly cares to the situation of Joseon dynasty when a transition times between Ming and Chung comes from China.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.447-468
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• 2009

Jeong Si-Han(1625-1707), one of the main representatives of Toegye School in The mid-Korea Dynasty, seeking to live in seclusion of his life engaged in research work, respected by scholars for generations. He, Together with Yi Hyeon Il(1627-1704), carried out a systematic study of Toekye's Interpretation of the "Four Buddings" and "Seven Feelings". In this paper, from a comparative point of view, The author studied Jung Sihan's Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, Human Mind and Mind of the Dao. Although his theory of interpretation about Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, is the tendency of compromise Toegye and Yulgok's thought, but from the master and servant and upper and lower relationship between Li-Qi and Four-Seven Theory, Jung Sihan preferred the thought of Toegye. The characteristics of Human Mind and Mind of the Dao is Emphasis on Zhu Xi's theory about human mind of "is-to-be"

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.432-441
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• 2013

Objectives Despite the treatment with antibiotics, patients with sepsis has a high mortality (80%) in the underlying disease group. The aim of this study was to report the improvement of septic condition of the cholangiocarcinoma patient after the treatment with Handayeolso-tang, Fel Tauri, and antibiotics. Methods We retrospectively reviewed the medical records. The patient's subjective symptoms such as chilling and abdominal pain were evaluated by NRS and the performance status was evaluated by ECOG. This case was literally compared with relevant published studies on prognosis of sepsis. Results Despite poor prognostic factor(MEDS score 18), the patient's symptoms such as fever, chilling, abdominal pain, and diarrhea and ECOG(Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group) improved. The patient was hemodynamically stabilized on 3rd day from the treatment, and her laboratory test results were normalized on 7th day. Conclusions A female patient of metastatic cholangiocarcinoma came to the hospital for cholangitis, later causing septic shock. Both her symptoms and laboratory tests showed significant improvement after the treatment of antibiotics, Handayeolso-tang and Fel Tauri. To our knowledge, this is the first case reporting the synergistic combination of Korean oriental medicine and Western medicine approaching to sepsis.