This paper is to analyze how Walt Whitman developed the theme and structure of Leaves of Grass with his ideal of democratic vistas. Whitman established his identity as an inspired poet, having faith in the divinity of man based on transcendental belief. After being awakened to the transcendental truth, he practiced his own common world view--his democratic vistas. Whitman searched for the unity with nature and identified his self with "common man and his nation." The poetry expresses "cosmological and national ideology" dedicated to the creation of an ideal nation united in eternal freedom and peace. By portraying common cosmic and national theme in terms of his individual personality, he brought various paradoxical and controversial ideas into one thing, namely "democracy", fusing diversity into unity. As in the symbol of the grass, there is a unity in variety reflected by democracy in a cosmological and political compound. With the form of free verse, he could express his liberal unrestrained and mystical thoughts of democracy. This new form has been associated with the poet's strong consciousness of the need for modernization in his country. He willingly assumed "the role of prophet and public voice for American democrat" with the rolling catalogues and I-persona which formed a sense of the common man and common things of America. Whitman pioneered a democrat literature with simple and dynamic tone and style. He successively pursued the democratic vistas in his Leaves of Grass.
This study analyzed which conflict management norm was preferred according to unique cultural difference of nation and such conflict management norm influences on conflict management type in solving real conflict when conflict in organization occurs and such conflict norm had a preference and influence on conflict management type in solving real conflict through such conflict management norm. As the result, first, Korean managers showed still high attitude on group interest and aimed to negotiation. But they highly depended on control. Canada managers showed discussion norm of individual interest and performed conflict management laying stress on unity and negotiation. second, as for conflict management of negotiation, both Canada and Korea performed it on the based of his or her interest discussion and as for plural agenda unity positively influenced to unity conflict management in Korea but in Canada, attitude for the future negatively influenced.
This study focused on difference of the nation's concept between Ko un's Baekdusan and Lee uk's Gohyangsaramdul, Pungungi. These works are epics restructure nation's history. A epic's story provides framework of recognition to social members. An individual and community accept their story and then stories construct pesonal identity and community's identity. So we can say a epic configurates national identity by story nation history and nation territory. The nation's concept is understood steadfast and very pure as like a blood relationship in Korea. This is aspects of Korean nationalism. But the Nation is modern, social and historical concept. That is different from ethnic identity. This way throws open the door to analyze nation identity. Ko un's Baekdusan narrates permanence and sacralization of the nation for emphasizing the unification of North Korea and South Korea. Baekdusan expresses the social desire of Korea in the 1980s. In comparison, Lee uk's Gohyangsaramdul representate ambivalent attitude. One is a position as a settler and the other is a new master of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture. So Gohyangsaramdul narrates and remembers their motherland Chosun. But Pungungi exclude recognition of Chosun as motherland. This work's narration focuses on association with struggle of classes and anti-Japanese Movement during the Japanese colonial period. Because these events are able to unity Korean and Chines. Three works deal with same history and same background, but those show defferent recognition about the Nation. Because each society has different social desire and expect different future. The present desire and future prospect construct nation identity.
Social Evolution was the most influential idea in modern China. Chinese intellectuals, who had made the survival of their country and people a top priority in the face of threats from Western powers, accepted the theory of social evolution as an idea calling for national unity. For Liang Qi chao, the theory of social evolution was a reason to raise the modern nation-state and the new people, along with the need for reform. This article examines that philosophical content and meaning modern Chinese social evolution has around his concept of "nation". His ideas, which are regarded as the origin of Asian nationalism, reflect his belief in and will toward a nation-state, and occupy a unique position in the political history of modern China.
This study is about the quality of life of cerebral infarction patients' guardians. The subject of this study was a group of 159 guardians of patients diagnosed of cerebral infarction and being hospitalised in a general hospital located in Seoul. The measurement tool consisted of quality of life of cerebral infarction patients' guardian, self-esteem, burden of responsibility, family unity, health status of the guardian. The collected data have been processed using SPSS/PC 12.0 programme: The results of this study are as follows: 1. The point for quality of life of cerebral infarction patients' guardians was 3.08(five-point scale), and for the related factors, the points for self-esteem was 3.67, burden of responsibility was 3.26, family unity was 4.13, health status was 6.10(ten-point scale). 2. There was a significant difference in the quality of life according to Self-esteem, Burden of responsibility, Family unity and general characteristics. 3. In the quality of life of cerebral infarction patients' guardians, a positive correlation was noted in some factors according to the characteristics of the guardians such as health status, self-esteem, family unity, monthly income, and time spent for caring the patient. Whilst a negative correlation was noted in the others such as burden of responsibility and age of the guardian. By confirming the results above, it is concluded that we must understand the major factors which are related to quality of life, find the causes that deteriorate the quality of life, and apply proper nursing intervention to improve the quality of life of cerebral infarction patients' guardians.
Korea has persisted in the notion of "ethnic nationalism." That is "one race, one people, one language" as a homogeneous entity. This social ideal of unity prevails, even in overseas Korean communities formed by voluntary and involuntary displacement in the turmoil of modern history: communities made intermittent with the Japanese colonial occupation and with postcolonial encounters with the West. Given that the Korean people suffered from the trauma of deprivation of the language caused by the loss of the nation, nation has been equated with the language. Accordingly, "these bearers of a homeland" are also firm Korean language holders. The linguistic patriotism of unity based on the intertwining of "mother tongue" and "father country" has become prevalent in the collective memory of the people of the Korean diaspora. Korean American literature has grappled with this concept of the national history of Korea and the Korean language. The aesthetics of Korean American literature has been marked by an influx of literary resources of 'Korea' in sensibilities and structure of feelings; Korean myth, folk lore, songs, humor, traditional stories, manners, customs and historic moments. An experimental use of the Korean alphabet, Hangeul, written down as pronounced, provides an ethnic flavor in the midst of the English texts. Despite its national framework of mind, however, Korean American literature as an interstitial art reveals a keen awareness of inbetweenness, and transnational hybrid identities. By exploring the complex interrelationships of cultural and linguistic boundary-crossing practices in Korean American literature, this paper argues that the poetics of the Korean diaspora challenges the closed structure of identity formation, and offers a transnational sphere to deconstruct a rigidly demarcated national ideology of "one race, one people, one language," for the world literary history.
This paper analyzes director Yang Yong-hi's documentary films "Dear Pyongyang"(2006), "Goodbye, Pyongyang"(2009) and her fiction film "Our Homeland"(2012). These films were produced on the base of the director's autobiographical experience, and raise issue of Jainichi-Korean diaspora who be caught in nation-state; North Korea, South Korea and Japan. With the family narratives crossing Jeju, Osaka, and Pyongyang, these films doubt boundaries be set by nation-state, and seek new breakout space. This paper traces restructuring identity in the tensional heterogeneity of nation-state exaction; Integration, unity, uniform education. In conclusion, these films foresee Korean diaspora's future identity from hybrid identities. It shows Korean diaspora's potential of receptivity, openness and solidarity which are required for Northeast Asian peace and the solution of two Korea's hostility.
In China, primary purpose of policy concerning land tenure system was to maintain social homogeneity among people and growth of productivity. Even before reformed by Deng Shao Ping's government, left wing who had placed more importance on the social unity. When they gained political power, pressing against market oriented agricultural policy for the collective farming system. However right wing prefered to adopt the productivity oriented policy, which might lead to individualized farming system at the cost of social unity. Since Chinese government following principles of social economy put more weight on social unities rather than productivity growth, farming system and rural community became developed into homogeneous structure across the nation before Deng Shao Ping's reform. Process for People's Commune, followed by first and then second level coperations starting from group farming so called Hozozo, was historical reflection of developing such land tenure system. However, even under People's Commune, farmers' efforts could be found to increase their own productivity along with emerged private farming, in which Posandoho with week private farming system was gradually developed into Pogandoho. As Deng's government encouraged farmers to increase productivity through the market oriented measure, there had been wide spread of Pogandoho among the farmers even before legal desolution of Peoples' Commune was realized.
This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.
The scope of fire services has been expanded from local fire prevention to rescue and first aid services, and the fire services system has been converted from an autonomous fire services system to a wide-area fire services system, and the status of fire officers has been unified as a national public servant. However, the underlying problem remains unsolved. One is a problem related to the conversion of fire services to state affairs, and the other is that Fire officers converted to national public servants are in charge of fire services which are evaluated as local autonomous affairs. The controversy over the nature of fire service stems from uncertainty and redundancy in the coordination of office function and distribution between the State and Local governments, and incomplete legislation that fundamentally fails to achieve systematic unity of office work and status. The fire service has a national responsibility as an affair that includes the existence of the state and the welfare and order of the people along with the police affairs. That is, affairs related to the safety of the people that protect the lives, bodies and properties of the people should be understood as State affairs. 「The LOCAL AUTONOMY ACT」 stipulates that local governments cannot perform State affairs such as affairs necessary for the existence of the nation, affairs requiring performance in a uniform manner throughout the nation, and affairs of nationwide or similar scale unless otherwise provided by the law. Fire Service should be regarded as such affairs. Considering that the rights to the safety and life of the people and the duty to protect the people are the duty of the nation, it is necessary to keep in mind that the reason for the change fire officers to the national public servants was not basically just a matter of treatment and finance.
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