• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.113-136
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• 2010

Low fertility has become quite commonplace worldwide, and Europe has experienced below replacement fertility for several decades. In addition, lowest-low fertility, defined as period total fertility rate below 1.3, has rapidly spread in Europe during the 1990s and is likely to expand further. After the turn of century, lowest-low fertility started spreading in Eastern Asia. Korea's TFR of 1.19 in 2008 is lower than most European countries, although it is higher than the Hongkong(1.02) and Taiwan(1.09). The purpose of this paper is to examine the socioeconomic determinants of lowest-low fertility in Korea. In doing so, this paper discusses the effects of female labour force participation, labour instability on family formation and fertility. The data includes female labour force participation rate, unemployment rate, age at first marriage, and total fertility rate from 1980 to 2008. First, the economic recession hindered young people's economic independence and propensity to marry. Married couples were also depressed with uncertainty toward the future and avoided to have children. Second, the growth in female labor force participation had a negative impact on fertility, under the low level of compatibility between women's work and childrearing. Moreover, this paper argues that the rising cost of children including public and private educational costs is thought to be the main reason of the recent low fertility in Korea. Policy implications and some comments on population policies are also presented in the final section.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.43 no.11 s.213
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• pp.165-183
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• 2005

Total fertility rate in South Korea is the lowest in the world. A fertility rate below replacement fertility level will result in serious social problems in the long term. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study a general understanding about the low fertility rate phenomenon and to investigate the effectiveness of fertility policies in order to ameliorate the resulting social problems due to the low fertility rate. This research was a descriptive examination into the low fertility rate phenomenon and an investigation of the needs for fertility potties and their effectiveness. The study subjects were consisted of 769 unmarried people aged from 18 to 40 years old. Data were collected from June to August 2004 and were analyzed by frequencies, mean, and standard deviation. The following results were revealed. First, unmarried people in general had positive perspectives about getting marriaged, giving birth, and being a parent. In addition, the primary cause of low fertility rate was economical difficulties for raising a child. Third, unmarried people thought that the low fertility rate phenomenon resoled in both positive and negative changes in a society. Fourth, policies for economical supports for raising children, establishing social atmosphere for gender equality, and trustful public educational systems were the political alternatives that people really wanted for having a child in the future. Effective alternatives for policies and strategies to address the low fertility rate problems are suggested in the discussion section.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.29-40
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• 2004

The fertility rate of Korea has rapidly decreased to the lowest in the World. The fertility rate below replacement fertility level might result in many social problems. First, this study investigated the cause of low fertility rate. Second, the theories of the relationship between fertility rate and women's employment were reviewed. The previous studies suggested that the fertility rate was not always related to women's employment negatively and there was mediating factors between them. Third, the various factors that mediated the negative relationship between fertility rate and women's employment were described in personal, family and social levels. Finally, this study suggested the policies and strategies to solve the low fertility rate problem in Korea.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.93-98
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• 2021

To develop policies regarding fertility and pregnancy that will be effective in preventing further declines in fertility rates in the context present-day Korea, current policies in Japan were analyzed and compared with those now being implemented in Korea. This study was structured to involve (a) comparison of maternal health projects in Korea and Japan, and (b) comparison of infertility support policies based in regional cities in Korea and Japan. Korea's Health Plan 2030 emphasizes strengthening healthcare for high-risk pregnant women, expanding investments to benefit vulnerable groups, and establishing a support system for infertile couples. In Japan, government programs involving treatment targeting infertility specifically were implemented nationwide in 2006. Wide dissemination of accurate knowledge related to pregnancy is emphasized. Also, counseling centers specializing in infertility were established by 67 local governments. We have confirmed that Korean policies include decentralization, while Japan is implementing the central government's infertility policy uniformly in all regions. Japan also adjusted its policy out of concern that problems related to infertility and childbirth will worsen due to the social disaster of COVID-19. The results indicate that providing additional support for psychological counseling may be preferable to increasing the number of in-vitro fertilization procedures. The physical burden on women may be minimized by benchmarking policies in Japan. Step-by-step application of these procedures should be systematically supported to achieve the best results.

• Proceedings of the Population Association of Korea Conference
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• 2006.12a
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• pp.59-87
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• 2006

This paper explores the effects of the 1997 economic crisis on the pattern of socioeconomic differentials in fertility. Based on analysis of data from the 2003 Korea National Fertility Survey, this study focuses on recent changes in the level of fertility according to socioeconomic status of the couple including educational level, occupation, working status, income, etc. Results reveal that the level of fertility of those with the highest education, most prestigious occupation, and employer status are higher than those of the next group in the socioeconomic hierarchy. These findings imply that the straight line inverse pattern of socioeconomic differentials in CEB yielded to a reversed J-shaped curve. However, recent differentials of fertility after the economic crisis were found to contrast with the pattern above. Decrease in fertility has been most drastic among those with a high level of fertility, and relatively slow for those with a low level of fertility. The level of recent fertility turns out to be highest among those with upper-middle socioeconomic status, followed by those with the highest socioeconomic status and those with the lowest status. Policy implications and some comments on current population policies of the Korean government are also presented in this paper.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.137-163
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• 2010

This study examines how individual, familial, and social factors are associated with persistent very low fertility in Busan Metropolitan City and contemplates family-friendly environments and social strategies for fertility increase. Fertility decline in Busan Metropolitan City recorded the lowest birth rate nationwide recent years among metropolitan cities and provinces in Korea. Birthrates are low partly because of multiple factors such as high age at childbearing and at marriage, decline in marriage, high divorce rate, the phenomena of marriage avoidance among unmarried women, traditional gender role attitude of men, low domestic work participation of husbands among dual career couples, low marital satisfaction and family life satisfaction, abortion, and more broader attiributes such as family policy, availability of childcare, education expenses, and family-friendlyness of a society. In addition, women of dual career couples in Busan strained from domestic work overload under traditional norms of gender role, and marital satisfaction recorded below average nationwide along with espeacially low marital satisfaction of wives compared to that of husbands. Major aspects of implications and considerations for higher birth rate and family friendly policy in Busan are discussed.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.139-164
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• 2009

The first demographic transition refers to the historical decline in mortality and fertility, as shown from the 18th Century in several European populations, and continuing present in most developing countries. The end point of the first demographic transition(FDT) was supposed to be a stationary and stable population corresponding with replacement fertility and zero population growth. In addition, households in all parts of the world would converge toward the nuclear and conjugal types, composed of married couples and their offspring. The second demographic transition(SDT), on the other hand, sees no such equilibrium as the end-point. Rather, new developments bring sub-replacement fertility, a multitude of living arrangements other than marriage, and the disconnection between marriage and procreation. Populations would face declining sizes if not complemented by new migrants. Over the last decades birth rates have been on the decline in all countries of the world, and it is estimated that already more than half of he world's population has below replacement level fertility. Measured in terms of the Total Fertility Rate (TFR), currently 34 countries have fertility levels of 1.5 or less. Similarly, Korea has been below lowest-low fertility for eight consecutive years since 2001 and below the replacement level for more than twenty years. In explaining the low fertility in Korea, some researchers explain the low fertility as revenge against a male-dominated society and institution, while others focus the impact of the employment instability. These studies share the basic ideas (spread of individualism, delayed marriage and childbearing, high divorce rate etc.) of a second demographic transition in order to explain the low fertility in Korea.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.54 no.11
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• pp.429-435
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• 2011

Although Korean population has been growing steadily during the past four decades, the nation is rapidly becoming an aging society because of its declining birth rate combined with an increasing life expectancy. In addition, Korea has one of the lowest fertility rates in the world due to fewer married couples, advanced maternal age, and falling birth rate. The prevalence of low birth weight infants and multiple births has been increased compared with the decrease in the birth rate. Moreover, the number of congenital anomalies is expected to increase due to the advanced maternal age. In addition, the number of interracial children is expected to increase due to the rise in the number of international marriages. However, the maternal education level is high, single-mother birth rate is low, and the gender imbalance has lessened. The number of overweight babies has been decreased, as more pregnant women are receiving adequate prenatal care. Compared to the Asian average birth weight, the average birth weight is the highest in Asia. Moreover, the rate of low birth weight infants is low, and infant mortality is similarly low across Asia. Using birth data from Statistics Korea and studies of birth outcomes in Korea and abroad, this study aimed to assess the changes in maternal and infant characteristics associated with birth outcomes during the past four decades and identify necessary information infrastructures to study countermeasures the decrease in birth rate and increase in low birth weight infants in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.111-125
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• 2012

The total fertility rate of our nation has been in the world's lowest level with constant falling since it reached an all-time low in 1983. The increase in economic participation of women, difficulties to balance work and family life, and traditional gender role and family norms in our society have been blamed for causing low birth rates. In addition, the current economic recession and increased polarization of wealth make it more difficult for working families to balance work and family life, resulting in lowering fertility rates. The Korean government has recently prepared the second five-year basic plan(2011-2015) to deal with low fertility and population ageing. The basic plan aims at providing support for working families in balancing work and family life and helping people ease the burden of marriage, childbirth, and raising their children. The work-family balance policies based on gender equality will do much to increase fertility rates in the future. In this context, this study examined current status and problems of balancing work and family life in our society, the Korean government and corporate policies for work-family balance, and the effects of policies on childbirth. Suggestions for future directions are presented.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.15-30
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• 2008

According to the research taken by the National Statistical Office, the fertility rate of a Korean fertile female is 1.17. This figure is the lowest in the world, and the reduction in the fertility rate over the last 30 years was the biggest in the world. It can be seen as a warning alarm about the effects of a low birth rate and a silver society. Assuming that there are several factors involved in this phenomenon, this study inquired into the attitude towards children, attitude towards nourishing children, attitude towards sex roles and the harmony between the jobs and families of married females, and examined the factors that influence the willingness to give birth. Final 581 copies of the survey questionnaire were used for analysis and the collected data were analysed by SPSS, Pearson's correlation analysis, t-test, ANOVA, and Duncan's Multiple Range Test. Three main conclusions were reached: Firstly, the value variables, such as sex-role attitudes and the preference for work or home, affect the willingness to give birth. Therefore, it can be said that one's values have a significant effect on these variables and the willingness to give birth. Secondly, both working morns and housewives have a strong tendency to give a birth if they are supported on child rearing. Finally, the employment of the married women itself can be a variable that can affect childbirth. In other words, the working hours affect employed married women so as sex-role attitudes, the preference between work and home, ideal number of children, and the income to housewives. Also, even in whole married women, the employment itself can be a major factor of the willingness to have a baby. Therefore, unemployed married women have more of a tendency to have children than employed married women.