• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

Celebrating its $50^{th}$ anniversary in 2017, the leaders of ASEAN member sates have adopted a series of declarations and action plans for enhancing its institutional capability and functional cooperation. ASEAN's convening power is expected to underpin its centrality and resilience. Meanwhile, ASEAN's retreat from democracy has increasingly become a hindrance for its further development. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, it argues that there is increasing concerns over ASEAN's limited capability in dealing with regional issues mainly caused by the deprivation of human rights and the democracy in crisis. Second, this article considers the dynamics of ASEAN's external relations mainly focusing on its relations with China, the United States, and South Korea. The South China Sea issue and China's increasing economic influence in the region have contributed to the complexity of ASEAN-China relations. The ASEAN's responses to the shift in American foreign policy under the Trump administration posits the unity of ASEAN. The New Southern Policy initiated by South Korean President, Moon Jae-in appears to be a new focal point of Korea-ASEAN relations despite considerable challenges, which requires to maintain ASEAN centrality.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.159-191
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• 2021

"In the United States, you almost never say that virtue is beautiful," Alexis de Tocqueville reports in Democracy in America. Yet Ralph Waldo Emerson, arguably the most prominent American moralist in the nineteenth century, stands as an exception to Tocqueville's generalization. This article explores Emerson's perspective on beauty in the moral education of democratic citizens. His interest in this aesthetic category partly stemmed from his deep concern about both the moral inaction and interest politics in commercial culture. As a response to the crisis, Emerson conceived ethical beauty as a key promoter of public-minded democratic citizenship as exemplified by the American abolitionists, and his own practice as a poetic moralist further illustrates this belief. Emerson's aesthetic approach to the cultivation of public virtue in liberal democracy offers a meaningful comparison to contemporary neo-Tocquevillian emphasis on the language of interest or duty.

• Journal of Koreanology Reviews
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2022

HunMinJeongEum, meaning "the right sound to teach the people," was created in 1443 CE by King Sejong the Great, the fourth king of the Joseon Dynasty. In today's modern language, this letter, called Hangeul, is internationally recognized for its linguistic science. However, it is hard to find a comprehensive study on the fact that King Sejong himself created Hangeul, the Confucian perspective on natural disasters and democracy revealed in the process of writing, the independent efforts emphasized from a certain period, and the achievements of King Sejong, who shared the sorrow of the people and carried out national policies despite the extreme opposition of the nobility. Accordingly, I analyzed the consonants of HunMinJeongEum and looked at the essence of humanity and oriental philosophy (Yin-Yang Five Elements, Sangsu Philosophy, Hado). Surprisingly, different meanings from previous studies and interpretations were found, and King Sejong's "Da Vinci Code," which was left behind in the process of making the consonant, is reinterpreted and revealed. King Sejong's achievements were all connected as one. This is the root of democracy in the Republic of Korea today, and this is why King Sejong was selected as the most beloved and respected historical figure by the Korean people. This study will start with more people's understanding of the fundamental perception and philosophy of the world in Asia, including Korea, to reinterpret and reveal the hardships and great achievements experienced by a leader of a country in the process of creating korean alphabet, and to emphasize democracy, which is an important value for Asians and Westerners' mutual respect and co-prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.5-31
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• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• Journal of Information Technology Applications and Management
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.109-125
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• 2021

For the government of president Moon's AI SW HRD policy, he proclaimed AI democracy that anyone can utilize artificial intelligence technology to spread AI education for the people of the country. Through cognitive map analysis, this study presents expected policy outcomes due to the input of policy factors to overcome crisis factors and utilize opportunity factors. According to the cognitive guidance analysis, first, the opportunity factor is recognized as accelerating the digital transformation to Covid 19 if AI SW HRD is well nurtured. Second, the crisis factor refers to the rapid paradigm shift caused by the intelligence information society, resulting in job losses in the manufacturing sector and deepening imbalance in manpower supply and demand, especially in the artificial intelligence sector. Third, the comprehensive cognitive map shows a circular process for creating an AI SW ecosystem in response to threats caused by untact caused by Corona and a circular process for securing AI talent in response to threats caused by deepening imbalance in manpower supply and demand in the AI sector. Fourth, in order to accelerate the digital circulation that has been accelerated by Corona, we found a circular process to succeed in the Korean version of digital new deal by strengthening national and corporate competitiveness through AI-utilized capacity and industrial and regional AI education. Finally, the AI utilization empowerment strengthening rotation process is the most dominant of the four mechanisms, and we also found a relatively controllable feedback loop to obtain policy outputs.