• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-280
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• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.71-82
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• 2016

Through literature review and on-site survey of Gimcheon Bangcho pavilion(芳草亭), the features of garden design(庭園意匠) including geographic conditions, landscape modeling of Nujeong(樓亭) and Jidang(池塘, Pond), and scenic interpretations in Nujeong Jeiyoung poetry(樓亭題詠詩) have been carefully researched and the findings are presented below. Bangcho pavilion is located in a village called Wonteomaeul, which belongs to the feng shui state of golden hairpin and floating lotus. It has long been the cultural hub of communication and social interactions among the villagers. The Head House of Jeongyanggong(靖襄公宗宅), the main house(本第) of the Yeonan Yi Clan(延安李氏), is about 150m away from Bangcho pavilion, an artistic space whose landscape modeling is of the form called Nujeong. The name 'Bangcho' reflects the noble man(君子)'s determination: "I yearn for the place where honey parrots fly and the fragrant grass grow." From the two story structure of the pavilion where there is an additional floor installed to the central ondol room by a four-sided subdivision door, one can detect the aspiration of the men for pursuing an open view. One can also observe the efforts in designing the room to be used for multiple purposes from a private place to an office for periodic publication of a family lineage document called "Garyejunghae(家禮增解)". Bangcho pavilion's main sight of interest is Mrs Choi's Pond(崔氏潭), the one and only garden structure that comprises the twin round island of square pond(方池雙圓島) among the existing Jidangs in Korea. In this special Jidang, there are two coexisting islands that represent a well thought out garden facility for symbolizing conjugal affection and unyielding fidelity between master and servent(主從). In addition, the three inflows and one outflow facing the Ramcheon valley is regarded as an ideal garden design optimized for performing the function of a village bangjuk which is the site for undercurrent creation and ecological reprocessing. At present, Giant pussy willow is the only circular vegetation identified in the area of Bangcho pavilion, although this plant species is about to wither away judging from the signs of decrepitude that seems to persist for two out of three weeks. The old pine tree that appears in the 1872 Jeiyoung poetry of Byeongseon Song(宋秉璿) no longer exists. Anjae(安齋) Jang Yoo(張瑠)'s "Eight Scenary on Bangcho pavilion(芳草亭八詠)" and its expansive reproduction "Ten Scenary on Bangcho pavilion(芳草亭十景)" from Gwagang(守岡) Lee Manyoung(李晩永) depict vividly the pastoric scenery of an idyll(田園景) that stretches throughout the natural and cultural landscape of the province of Gimcheon and Guseong surrounding the Bangcho pavilion. The Bangcho pavilion sutra aims to establish Bangcho pavilion and the village of Wonteomaeul as the centre of microcosmos by dividing and allocating its scenic features according to the four seasons and times(四季四時), the eight courses(八方) and the meteorological phenomena, and it is the incarnation(顯現) of landscape perception upon the Byeol-seo Scenic site of Bangcho pavilion, the cultural hub of the region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.116-128
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• 2017

In this study, the original scenery of Baegun-dong Garden in Gangjin was compared with that of the reconstructed site to suggest directions for restoration in the future. The diachronic prototype scenery of the Baegun-dong Garden was derived by integrating the elements of the original and contemporary prototype sceneries from the old poetry series. The old poetry series is comprised of "Baegun-dong 8Yeong(詠)" by Lee Damro(李聃老), "Baegun-dong 10Su(首)" by Song Ikhwi(宋翼輝), "Baegun-dong 12Gyeong (景)" by Jeong Yakyong(丁若鏞), and "Baegun-dong 14Gyeong" by Lee Siheon (李時憲). Guidance for directions for future restoration was suggested through a comparative analysis between the diachronic prototype scenery of Baegun-dong Garden and the current scenery of the restored site. The research result is as follows. First, the prototype scenery of Baegun-dong Garden was a harmonic view composed of the camellia forest road, 'Baegun-dong' the letter carved on a rock, a cliff 'Changhabyeok(蒼霞壁)' the red letter written by Jeong Yakyong, paulownia trees, waterfalls and a maple forest. Outside the Byeolseo(別墅), there were a red plum blossom forest, a pine forest, and a bamboo forest, as well as the view of Okpanbong(玉版峯) from Jeongseondae(停仙臺). In the yard, there were Chwimiseonbang(翠微禪房), Jug-gak(竹閣), Pyeongsang(榻), a lotus Bangji(方池), Gogsugeo(曲水渠) and Hwagye(花階). Cranes were even raised in the yard. Second, comparing the diachronic prototype scenery of Baegun-dong Garden with its restored site, following a restoration guide is suggested. There should be more water flow in Baegun-dong Valley and Jug-gak should be restored. 'Changhabyeok' the red letter should be carved on the stone wall. Trees should be controlled for a better view of Okpanbong from Jeongseondae. More trees and plants, such as red plum blossom, pine tree, paulownia trees, azaleas(映山紅), chrysanthemum, orchid, daffodil, and lotus should be planted in the yard. A system of integrated guide boards is also required for effective information transmission for visitors.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.77-94
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• 2020

Gugok poems were an important material for studying the Gugok landscape garden(九曲園林). the landscape feature(景物)that emerges from poetry is an important material that expresses the sense of placefulness and garden consciousness(園林意識). However, many studies are passive about plant materials that can explore the perception of nature or the aesthetic embodiment process. Therefore, this study seeks to discover various symbolic meanings and reveal the context of plants that have appeared in Gugok poems in order to expand the research material of the Gugok culture. To carry out the purpose of the study, I collected a total of 25 related poems from 18 Gugoks and found a total of 20 species of trees. I used 'R-program' to derive the meaning of trees and examined the meaning of trees by intertextuality. According to the study, the 20 species of trees contained symbolic meanings of world of Taoist hermit, pursuit of study, constancy, true pleasure, dignity, honest poverty, reign of peace, nostalgia. Many species focused on the symbolism of the 'world of Taoist hermit' and then on the 'dignity' was the most frequent. A number of species, except for the peach, zelkova and oak, had multiple meanings. Among them, pine trees and lotus had a wide range of symbolic meanings and different meanings depending on the characteristics of the surrounding landscape. While the Gugok culture generally targets natural scenery, Yongsan, Toegye, Deoksan, and Jusan showed the characteristics of strengthening or reproducing symbolic meanings through artificial plating and gardening. In order to overcome the limitations of the peach tree, which symbolizes 'Mureungdowon(武陵桃園)', Gugok poems used maple trees and reeds as alternative species. In accordance with the above context, the trees appearing in the Gugok poems expressed their symbolic meaning differently according to the landscape features, acts and purposes of the Gugoks, rather than sticking to the traditional meaning.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.331-362
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• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.35-73
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• 2014

This paper examined the poem world of Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮: 1873-1933) in the turning point of the modern era, focused on his Hwaunsi (和韻詩: Poems written by using the rhymes of other poets' poems). In his poems, there are lots of Hwaunsi on the poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾), especially. This makes him regarded as a medieval poet, engaged in Chinese poem creation in the most traditional method in the turbulent period. Looking at the Hawunsi(和韻詩) alone, Simjae's creative life became the starting point of turnaround at around 40 years old. Before the age of 40, the poets in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty and Korean figures like Lee Hwang(李滉), as well as Tu Fu and Su Shi were the subjects of his Hwanunsi. After the age of 40, some examples of writing poems using the rhymes of other poets' poems, especially Korean figures related to regions, are often found, reducing Hwaunsi on Tu Fu and Su Shi. Simjae called Tu Fu the integration of poets, talking about the integrity of poetic talent and his being highly proficient in mood and view. As reflecting such an awareness, the themes and moods and views are demonstrated diversely in Simjae's Hwaunsi. Although, he did not reveal his thinking about the poems of Su Shi, he seemed to love Su Shi's poems to some degree. The closeness to the original poems, the poems of Tu Fu are relatively higher than those of Su Shi. Roughly speaking, Simjae tried to find his own individuality, intending to follow Tu Fu, but, he seemed to attempt to reveal his intention using Su Shi's poems, rather than trying to imitate. To carefully examine, Simjae wrote Hwaunsi, but he did not just imitate, but revealed the aesthetics of comparison and difference. In many cases, he made new meanings by implanting his intentions in the poems, while sharing the opportunity of creation, rather than bringing the theme and mood and view as they are. The Hwaunsi on Su Shi's poems reveal the closeness to the original poems relatively less. This can be the trace of an effort to make his own theme and individuality, not being dominated by the Hwaun(和韻: using the rhymes of other poets' poems) entirely, as he used the creative method having many restrictions. However, it is noted that the Hwaunsi on Tu Fu's poems was not written much, after the age of 40. Is this the reason why he realized literary reality that he could not cope with anymore with only his effort within the Hwaunsi? For example, he wrote four poems by borrowing Su Shi's Okjungsi(獄中詩: poem written in jail) rhymes and also wrote Gujung Japje(拘中雜題), in 1919, while he was detained. In these poems, his complex contemplation and emotion, not restricted by any poet's rhymes, are revealed diversely. Simjae's Hwaunsi testifies the reality, in which Chinese poetry's habitus existed and the impressive existence mode at the turning point of the modern era. Although, the creation of Hwaunsi reflects his disposition of liking the old things, it is judged that his psychology, resisting modern characters' change, affected to some degree in the hidden side. In this regard, Simaje's Hwaunsi encounters limitation on its own, however, it has significance in that some hidden facts were revealed in the modern Chinese poetry history, which was captured with attention under the name of novelty, eccentricity and modernity.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.25
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• pp.101-127
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• 2006

JANG-YOOK-DANG(장육당) is the pen-name of Lee, Byeol(이별). His elder brother is Lee, won(이원). He was putted to death by the king Yeon-san(연산군). So abandoning the way of the world, JANG-YOOK-DANG hided himself at mountain valley in Peong-san of Hwng-haedo(황해도 평산). Here he angled for fish and with the persons over sixty years old drunk, sang the songs. Then he composed the poem . This poem spreaded abroad, and came to the ears of Lee, Hwang(이황). He criticized this poem to have irreverence by casting upon the world, not to have gentleness and affability. But imitating the poem he composed intended to be sung. For that gentleness and affability are the instruction of the Poetry, he filled the poems with contents of the gentleness and the affability. But the livings of the two persons were different, and then their poems was intended to be sung were different. In these different contents, we can not say that this or that is right. JANG-YOOK-DANG would do to express his bitter sentiments by his song.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.211-255
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• 2018

A classical lyrics novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' is basically old Korean novel in aspect of contents even though it has lyrics for a song formally. In other words, it shows classic poetry but also expends its genre to novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' which belongs to Jae-yeon Park's selection, presents 'Analects' at a book cover and writes its title inside. In addition, it rewrites the story of 'Jeobuin-jeon' at the beginning that means it is novel. It is considered there might be an unclear reason why it could not be marked as an novel outside. 'Jeobuin-jeon' of Jae-yeon Park's selection helps readers grasp the novel by adding Chinese characters for additional explanation based on Korean characters depending on cases. Used words in this novel is estimated being written from the late $19^{th}$ century to the beginning of the $20^{th}$ century. 'Jeobuin-jeon' is assumed being written by woman as it emphasizes that woman should learn letters and take care of the relationship among parents-in-law, husband, sibling, servant and daughter-law. Besides, this novel intends to punish bad characters through 'Jeobuin's good manners by including afterlife-story with 'Bulddong-Aemi'. 'Jeobuin-jeon''s narration is 7 steps and it reaches the peak when 'Bulddong-Aemi' and 'Jeobuin' changes their life each other. Afterward, 'Jeobuin' meets her parents-in-law and passes the crisis. The story ends through 'Bulddong-Aemi' is punished. It is very creative by developing the story with looking back the past would make a change in narration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.172-203
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• 2023

<Cheongdamdo>(true-view landscape painting) was identified in this study to be a folding screen painting painted by Jeong Seon(a.k.a. Gyeomjae, 1676~1759) in the 32nd year of King Yeongjo(1756) while exploring the Cheongdam area located in Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul. Cheongdam Byeol-eop(Korean villa), consisting of Waunru Pavilion and Nongwolru Pavilion, was a cultural and artistic base at that time, where Nakron(Confucian political party) education took place and the Baegak Poetry Society met. <Cheongdamdo> is a painting that recalls a period of autumn rainfall in 1756 when Jeong Seon arrived in the Cheongdam valley with his disciple Kim Hee-sung(a.k.a. Bulyeomjae, 1723~1769) and met Hong Sang-han(1701~1769). It focuses on the valley flowing from Insubong peak to the village entrance. The title has a dual meaning, emphasizing "Cheongdam", a landscape feature that originated from the name of the area, while also referring to the whole scenery of the Cheongdam area. The technique of drastically brushing down(刷擦) wet pimajoon(hanging linen), the expression of soft horizontal points(米點), and the use of fine brush strokes reveal Jeong Seon's mature age. In particular, considering the contrast between the rock peak and the earthy mountain and symmetry of the numbers, the attempt to harmonize yin and yang sees it regarded as a unique Jingyeong painting(眞境術) that Jeong Seon, who was proficient in 『The Book of Changes』, presented at the final stage of his excursion. 「Cheongdamdongbugi」(Personal Anthology) of Eo Yu-bong(1673~1744) was referenced when Jeong Seon sought to understand and express the true scenery of Cheongdam and the physical properties of the main landscape features in the villa garden. The characteristics of this garden, which Jeong Seon clearly differentiated from the field, suppressed the view of water with transformed and exaggerated rocks(水口막이), elaborately creating a rain forest to cover the villa(裨補林), and adding new elements to help other landscape objects function. In addition, two trees were tilted to effectively close the garden like a gate, and an artificial mountain belt(造山帶), the boundary between the outer garden and the inner garden, was built solidly like a long fence connecting an interior azure dragon(內靑龍) and interior white tiger(內白虎). This is the Bibo-Yeomseung painting(裨補厭勝術) that Jeong Seon used to turn the poor location of the Cheongdam Byeol-eop into an auspicious site(明堂). It is interpreted as being devised to be a pungsu(feng shui) trick, and considered an iconographic embodiment of ideal traditional landscape architecture that was difficult to achieve in reality but which was possible through painting.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.