• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.35-44
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• 2003

In Anthropology, ceremonies which human should pass in lives are difined as ‘Rites of Passage’. Each Rite has its own Clothing style, which is little different from general Clothing in shape, composition, color, meaning, etc. This Study shows composition and characters on Birth Ceremony Clothing through Documents and Survey around Chonnam Area. Survey Area is subdivided into 3 parts : Koksung(A Basin of Sumjin River-Eastern Area of Chonnam), Na-ju( A Basin of Yeongsan River-Western Area of Chonnam), and Kangjin(Southern Area of Chonnam). This Study analyses characters on Baenaet Jogori, 100th-day Clothing and First-birthday Clothing in Chonnam Area. In case of Baenaet Jogori, its shape in Survey is similiar to that of documents. In case of 100th-day Clothing, New Jogori and Baji have been made usually. First-Birthday(called “Dol”) Clothing shows difference between male and female infant. Male clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Jokki, Magoja, Doltti while Female clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Chima, Jumoni, and Doltti. In making of infant Clothing, 5-colors(Blue. Red, Yellow, White, Black) which consists of basic color in the Theory of the cosmic dual forces and Shape of Letters such as 壽ㆍ福ㆍ亞ㆍ卍 are used usually. This kind of colors and Shape of letters symbolize longevity and fortune. As a result of study, I find what Ritual Clothing in Birth has many symbolic meaning which reflects life-style culture. This study lay meaning on that deals infant clothings as a kind of Ritual Clothing.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.43-56
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the properties of new religious ritual dress in Korea to help understand new religions more completely. A new religion means 'Newly born religions'and it is an opposite conception of the existing religion. The new religions in Korea have been established, changed and become extinct beginning with 'Dong-Hak'movement by Choi Jea Woo in 1860. Sometimes they've caused social problems with their number increasing after the rapid industrialization in 1970's. There are about 350 new religions and 2,000,000 christians in Korea now. Some of theme are pseudo religions wearing the mask of religion and also there are great new religions that will contribute to our spiritual history. The latter shows the thoughtful properties of the union of religion, postnatal creation, nation's independence, and human's centralization. There are properties of pluralism, nation's independence, symbolism, and thoughts in a new religious ritul dress.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.132-151
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• 2009

Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.186-218
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• 2017

The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.75-85
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• 2014

Family life culture embodies the ways of thinking and behaving among family members in everyday lives. With a noticeable growth of multicultural families since 2000, there has been an inflow of other culture into the existing Korean family life culture. This new phenomenon signals a potential transformation of the family life culture in Korean society. To forecast such changes, we compared the family life culture of Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families (as reported by 104 Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives) with that of mainstream Korean families (as reported by 108 Korean married men and 92 Korean married women) by comparing family ritual practices and family values. We also sought to identify whether two cultures in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families harmoniously coexist or clash by examining differences within couples. Results showed that Korean married men and Korean husbands of Vietnamese women were very similar in terms of family ritual practices and family values. Differences emerged between Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives. Specifically, Korean husbands endorsed more traditional gender role beliefs while their family values were less patriarchal compared to their wives. Results suggest that more flexible gender role beliefs reported by Vietnamese wives may be a source of conflict in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families. At the same time, it may be a driving force of change in their existing family life culture. It will be worthwhile to pay attention in future research to whether and how patriarchal values and flexible gender role beliefs would continue to coexist or modify each other.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.549-564
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• 2015

This study was conducted on the head family house of Panseogong coterie of Andong Kwon clans in Daksil village, Bongwha gun, Kyungbuk: historical sources survey and field visit over four rounds were conducted from March to June 2014. In-depth interview, storytelling, and nutrition facts were used as methods of research using 49 participants, and the potentials of trend goods were the main purpose of this research. The specialties of bongwha prefecture in the Chosun Dynasty were pine nut, manna lichen, ginseng, sweetfish, and wild honey. Ritual food bulcheonwi's offerings a feature in Choongjae Kwonbeol's head family - were sacred wine, me, gang, otang, myun, myunjeok, pyunjeok, pyunchung, pyun, po, chungpomook, dojeok, sookchae, ssam, chimchai, sikhye, chogwa, silgwa, soojunggwa, etc. The ritual foods of bulcheonwi's head family house Choongjae Kwonbeol were commercialized through storytelling. Choongjae Kwonbeol's ritual ceremonies, recognized for their national royalty, were reorganized as the traditional Korean table settings, so that the Korean people could easily access them. The special meal called "Geumgyeporansang" represented the head family house foods' essence to share and serve others through the Dacshil village's natural beauty, Bonghwa's local ingredients, and festivities after the "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals. The ritual foods called "Cheongamjungsang", utilizing "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals, were represented in the form of a lunch box: such foods illustrate the classical scholar's mindset that enjoys the nature and arts through education and virtue.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.441-470
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• 2017

This paper deals with three issues related to influx and change of the Confucian Shrine Ritual Music. First, the musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom-wooden frame-form used in the current Confucian Shrine Ritual Music is not a form that came in when the Daesung-Aak of the Song Dynasty was introduced in 1116, but it is a Yuan Dynasty form brought from the Ming Dynasty, in the 19th year of King Kongmin. In the Song Dynasty of the Goryeo Yejong era, when Daesung-Aak came in, there was not yet 'Baeso', a musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom form, which first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty. A new musical instrument named 'Baeso' appears with the 'So' in the later period of King Gongmin, and it is very likely that this 'Baeso' is the musical instrument of the present Akhakgwebeom form. Second, although the form of the 'So' in the Joseon Dynasty recorded in the Akhakgwebeom was followed by the Chinese one, but the pitch and arrangement are the one of the pitch of '12 Yul and 4 Cheongseong' and the arrangement of the pitch from left to right. Third, in the 1930s, the whole form was the same as that of the Akhakgwebeom, but there existed two types, which several pipes stick together or pipes fall apart. But since then, as seen in the musical instrument located at Kyungpook National University Museum and in instruments currently used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music, only musical instruments exist which pipes fall apart. It is unclear for what reason and to what extent the 'So' were so transformed, but it would be appropriate to re-establish the form of the 'So' in the musical and historical point of view.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.63-92
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• 2011

This paper intends to clarify the characteristics of Seoul Ginoguigut in ritual form. This paper points out three characteristics; materialization of the journey to the world of the dead, direct communications with the dead, inclusive blessings for the dead and the living. Firstly, the journey to the world of the dead is materialized through various ritual processes of Seoul Ginoguigut. This characteristic is prominent in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of shamanism in other regions of Korea. Secondly, in Seoul Ginoguigut the communications of the dead and the living are made through direct dialogues between them through shaman's possession. The communications by direct dialogues between the dead and the living make it easy to accept death as a real fact, and have an effect of recognizing the individuality and uniqueness of each death. Thirdly, the blessings of Seoul Ginoguigut are so inclusive that they cover the dead's safe journey toward the world of the dead as well as the happiness of the living. This characteristic is related to the understanding of death of Korean shamanism that does not separate death and living. These three characteristics are perceived in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of Seoul Ginoguigut. And they give a clue to understand how the death rituals of Korean shamanism have persisted in Korean society.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.344-354
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• 2008

The traditional ritual foods of Korea have developed with for many years, and differ by locality, family customs and religious characteristics. In an efforts to establish the database on that addresses the difficult issue of a classification system for traditional Korean foods, we have conducted a survey of a traditional Korean ritual foods. In the database, typical 10 rites are represented, covering birth to death, these are birth, the hundredth day after birth, the first birthday, the commemoration of finishing books(graduation), the coming of age ceremony, marriage, the birthday feast for an old man, the 60th wedding anniversary, the funeral, and the memorial service. For each rite, the appropriate traditional Korean foods are classified into 6 categories-main dishes, side dishes, tteok lyou, hangwa lyou, eumchung lyou and the others. Some of these have varied considerably with the passage of time, and some have since disappeared. This database provides a basis for generational transmission, preservation and development of traditional Korean ritual foods as one of the components traditional Korean culture.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.203-215
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• 1995

The funning process in the symbolism of dress can be approached by the semiotics of C. S. Pierce. According to Pearce\ulcorners theory, symbiosis consists of sign, its object, and interpret ant. Especially Pierce classifies the sign into three categories; icon, index, and symbol. The icon is based on the similarity in properties and forms, and the index is based on the actual connection with their objects, while the symbol is based on the association of interpret ant. This classification method can be considered as a theoretical base for symbol of ritual dress. On the other hand, it was discussed the analyzing method of the concept of dress same (symbolic element) by introducing the isolate concept of structuralism for explaining how the symbol reveals itself. So it is discussed the several concepts of structuralism; the concept of relation syntagmatique and relation paradigmatique, the relation binaries, and the units. It would be also necessary to consider dimension of context in addition to dimension of dress itself for the dimension of total symbolic elements of ritual dress. It is proposed that the above developed dress symbol elements should be used for under\ulcornerstanding the society or culture that includes the elements by introducing the symbolic anthropology such as V. Turner's three dimensions of symbol.