• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.10 no.1
• /
• pp.67-82
• /
• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.312-334
• /
• 2010

This paper examines the process of Gyeongbu Highway construction from the standpoint of political economy, which was pursued by President Park Jeong-Hee in the 1960s, focusing on the politics of mobility and demarcation implied in it. As results of examination, it can be argued that Gyeongbu Highway was seen as a powerful element to promote a socio-spatial integration of population and hence to enforce an authoritative political power of the Park regime through creation of mobility; that it has had an strong impact on changing the physical landscape of national space and the spatio-temporal rhythm of everyday life by extending the 'machine space' as a non-place; that it has provided a physical infrastructure on which the period of capital circulation could be reduced through its effect of space-time compression. But Gyeongbu Highway has led serious problems such as uneven regional development, expansion of non-place or alienated place, ecological destruction and pollution. In conclusion, a sustainable politics is suggested to overcome this kind of 'tragedy of highway' and to develop the highway as a true way of political and spatial balance and integration.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.45 no.2
• /
• pp.221-239
• /
• 2010

The lineage village is a very characteristic form of village in Korea. Although it was known as having established on the base of the Lineage Law, the complexities of political and economical structures played an important role in the process of establishing the village. The continuous political struggles between the scholar officials forced them to abuse the blood ties as well as the academic and regional relation. Using the disorder of land ownership system, the ruling elite made chances to expand the private land ownership, and these became the fiscal background of the formation of the lineage village and the agglomeration. The capital area's lineage villages were used of fiscal background by scholar officials lived in Hanyang. In the reason of political struggle, the initiator came to Osan-ri in late 16th Century. And in early 17th century, with a government dignitary, Shin Kye-Young, and with the reproduction of population, Osan-ri formed a typical lineage village with many clan households in the late of 17th century.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.107-144
• /
• 2018

This paper summarizes the genealogy of post-war Zainichi magazines in Japan until 1959 and examines their meaning in the context of magazine history in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to prepare the framework to view characteristics of Zainichi magazines in Japan after the war until the present from a continuous and comprehensive perspective. Zainichi, who were left behind in Japan after the war began to project diverse aspects of their lives onto magazines. Despite the poor publishing environment, censorship of GHQ, shortage of writers and financial limitations, the Zainichi society did not give up the public sphere of magazines. The confusion in this time period acted as an element to expose limitations of Zainichi magazines in Japan. Most of magazines published in 1940s and 50s had to focus on political propaganda within the political frame, and many of such magazines were only published for a short term. In other words, it is ambiguous to define the majority of them as 'magazines' and a considerable number of them cannot even confirm the existence, making it difficult to examine the whole picture of magazines from this period. However, recently excavated materials indicate that most of Zainichi magazines in Japan attempted to reflect the reality of the Zainichi society in various ways, though they were confined in the political frame. The process in which language of magazines was changed from Korean language to Japanese and then again to Korean language suggests that Zainichi magazines in Japan tried to consistently express their existence in 'ethnicity,' 'homeland' and beyond, mediated by 'politics' and 'culture.' Moreover, the experience of seeking for the possibility of Zainichi culture in Japan from the flow of cultural movements in Japan during 1950s is an experience of seeking for a popular 'expression' that overcomes the political conflict of homeland. This reveals the diversity the Zainichi society to occur afterwards. A more precise study on individual magazines published during this period would be necessary in the future.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.173-218
• /
• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.121-156
• /
• 2015

Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.

• Lingua Humanitatis
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.183-201
• /
• 2002

Since the end of the Cold War, debate about the grand struggle between capitalism and communism has been largely replaced by debate about religious sectarianism. Some have even referred to a "clash of civilizations" in the wake of the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. This is in fact an old debate, but it has been given new life by arguments about globalization and economic development as envisioned by the West, and especially by the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. While the political right has had little difficulty treating religious belief as a fundamental human and social interest, much of the political left has remained committed to secular Enlightenment, even when it criticizes the hegemony of the West. The dispute depends upon competing notions of history, secularism, and progress, and ultimately on the possibility or desirability of universal solidarity. While for many a world unified by one religion may no longer make sense, the old Enlightenment dream that a single version of secular and universal reason will eventually prevail over religious difference may also need to be reconsidered. The process that we call secularization is neither as singular, nor as transparent, as we might think.

• Journal of Korean Institute of Industrial Engineers
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.40-60
• /
• 1982

Since the first oil embargo (1973), there have been developed many different types of energy-economy interaction models based upon various aspects of energy impact mechanism. We will propose to develop an integrated energy-economy interaction analysis system for less developed countries' energy policy analysis, especially for investment analysis toward constructing energy-saving industry infrastructure ; which is based on the motivation of combined energy models by John P. Weyant. This modeling system can cover the economic growth, inter-industry transactions including production features, and process analysis of energy sector in the total network scheme of general equilibrium, so that it can give many political implications as well as the modeling concept to be used for analyzing various political issues and making decisions related to national energy environment.

• Journal of Engineering Education Research
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.45-52
• /
• 2012

The success history of Light Water Reactors (PWR and BWR) showed how a dominant technology could be shaped in a political and economical context. The american nuclear politics, the interest of american nuclear industry, and the accumulated technological know-hows made it possible that the not inherently safe reactor-Light Water Reactor- became a prominent reactor model. The path dependency of reactor technology on LWR kept the engineers from developing a new safer reactor, even if the severe reactor accidents occurred. In oder to increase safety of nuclear power system, we should understand the social shaping process of nuclear technology.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.279-297
• /
• 1999

The process of political and economic transformation of Germany following reunification has been well documented, but the question of psychological reunification is addressed by the present study. In order to analyze how East German adolescents adapted to the changing socialization context following reunification, questionnaires on values orientation, self-efficacy, subjective well being, coping, attitude toward violence and toward reunified German society were administered to 149 high school students. Results indicated that subjects had high scores on value orientation in private life and used active coping strategies. They had high scores in self-efficacy and subjective well being. Their political attitudes were complex and diverse. There were group differences by gender and type of school attended.