• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제65권
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• pp.5-26
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• 2014

본 연구는 전국의 고등학생 및 대학생에 대한 대규모 조사를 통하여 소셜미디어 이용정도 및 이용동기가 교량적/결속적 사회자본 및 참여를 증진시키는 데 얼마나 기여하고 있는지 고찰했다. 특히 소셜미디어를 네트워크 성격에 따라 개방형 네트워크와 폐쇄형 네트워크 서비스로 구분해 분석한 결과, 전자는 교량적 사회자본의 강화에, 후자는 결속적 사회자본의 증진에 기여하는 것으로 나타났다. 소셜미디어이용동기는 교량적/결속적 사회자본 모두에 유의한 영향을 미쳤다. 소셜미디어를 통한 정치 사회적 참여에는 소셜미디어 유형별 이용정도와 이용동기가 모두 유의한 영향을 미쳤다. 결론적으로, 소셜미디어가 사회자본에 미치는 효과는 어떤 성격의 매체를 이용하고 그것을 어떠한 목적으로 이용하는가에 따라 결정된다고 볼 수 있다.

• 과학기술학연구
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.33-79
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• 2012

이 논문의 첫 번째 목표는 참여적 전환이라는 최근 STS의 흐름 속에 미묘한 차이를 가지는 여러 입장들이 존재한다는 것을 드러내는 데 있다. 이러한 차이를 이해하는 것은 STS에서 논하는 과학기술 거버넌스와 위험 연구자들이 발전시킨 위험 거버넌스의 여러 모델 사이의 차이와 공통점, 그리고 접점을 모색해 보는 작업을 위해 매우 중요한 선행 작업이 될 수 있다. 이 논문의 두 번째 목표는 그 차이를 이해하기 위해서 2000년대가 아니라 1970년대와 1980년대로 거슬러 올라가서 당시 STS의 서로 다른 방법론들이 만들어지면서 나타났던 이론적인 차이가 2000년대 이후의 참여의 문제에서 상이한 입장의 근거가 되었음을 보이는 것이다. 모든 사상과 이론은 역사성을 가지고 있고, 실타래처럼 엉켜있는 그 역사적 과정을 풀어 헤쳐 보는 것은 지금의 차이의 연원을 이해하고, 궁극적으로 그 차이를 좁힐 수 있는 가능성을 모색하기 위해서 필요한 것이기 때문이다. 이 논문은 STS 참여적 전환의 '역사적 인식론'(historical epistemology)에 대한 것이며, 그 목표는 STS가 공유할 수 있는 미래의 정치적 인식론(political epistemology)을 모색해 보는 것이다.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.379-390
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• 2013

선거 참여에 관한 K대 학생들의 인식조사를 통하여 대학생들의 선거 참여에 대한 부정적인 이미지를 감소시켜 건전한 정치참여를 유도하고 효과적으로 투표율을 높일 수 있는 방안을 모색하고자 한다. K대 학생들을 대상으로 선거에 대한 이미지, 관심, 참여 의지 사이의 관계를 구조방정식을 이용하여 파악하였다. 연구결과, 선거에 대한 이미지와 선거에 대한 관심 모두 선거 참여 의지에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 선거 참여 여부를 조절변수로 한 분석에서는 선거에 참여한 사람들의 경우, 참여하지 않은 사람에 비해 선거에 대한 이미지가 선거 참여 의지 정도에 미치는 영향이 더 큰 것으로 나타났으나 선거에 대한 관심의 선거 참여 의지 정도에는 선거 참여 여부가 영향을 주지 않는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국지역사회생활과학회지
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.37-47
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• 2005

Education has been emphasized as one of tools of realizing social equality, which has its base on the ideology of equal education opportunity. The Opportunity level of adult education is important in the meaning of social equality. but these days It is being inequality. so The objectives of this study were 1) measuring the opportunity level of adult education in Korea, 2) analysing the difference adult education level by gender, regions, 3) making out the gap of the its level by social educational agencies, 4) to suggest the way to improve the opportunity level of adults educations between adults by gender, regions. The followings are the results from the study: Adult education participation level were lower. Adult education participation level per adult education type showed higher participation at private institutes, lower at cultural center of community and school's human and material resources are not properly utilized in adult educational activities. By adult education participation level per gender and location, women have a higher participation level then men, and urban areas have a higher participation level then rural areas. In case of location, environment variables is most explanatory in adult education participation level. To strive for methods to activate school-oriented adult education activities and to develop political solution to ease the resources gaps for adult education investment among regions in order not to deepen environment gaps of adult education between urban and rural areas. For adult education activation, institution and bodies in charge of adult education should expand and discover hardware and develop and distribute software. Also, adult education specialists who operate and manage these hardware and sofeware efficiently should be recruited.

• 한국지역사회생활과학회지
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.97-107
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• 2005

This study aims to examine the determinants affecting rural women's participation in community organizations in rural Korea. The data was collected through interviews with 958 rural women among 1,870 respondents who have lived in Up and Myen as an administrative unit of a rural community, and analyzed by the SPSS/PC Win V.10 program. The statistical method utilized for this study was the hierarchy multiple regression model. The major findings of this study were as follows. First, rural women with a high income, a larger farm, or a fruit farm are more likely to participate in agricultural cooperatives. Second, rural women with a high income, a larger farm, who are engaged in full time forming, and grow fruit and special crops, are more likely to participate in cooperative firms. Third, rural women who are educated and have a larger farm, a fruit farm, and high community attachment are more likely to participate in learning organizations. Fourth, rural women who were educated and have small households are more likely to participate in religious groups. Fifth, rural women with a small farm are more likely to participate in civic organizations. Sixth, there was no significance between all of these variables and participation in political parties.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

The current Moon Jai-in administration in South Korea is facing serious challenges as a result of a scandal involving the manipulation of news online. Staff in Moon's camp are suspected of manipulating public opinion by creating millions of fake news comments online, contributing to Moon being elected president. This South Korean political scandal raises a number of theoretical issues with regard to new platform technologies and media manipulation. First, the incident exposes the technological limits of blocking manipulation of the news, partly because of the nature of social media and partly because of the nature of contemporary technology. Contemporary social media is often monopolistic in nature; with the majority of people are using the same platforms, and hence it is likely that they will be subject to forms of media manipulation. Second, the Korean case of news manipulation demonstrates a unique cultural aspect of Korean society. News comments and readers' replies have become a major channel of alternative news in Korea. This phenomenon is often designated as "reply journalism," since people are interested in reading the news replies of ordinary readers equally to reading news reports themselves. News replies are considered indicators of public opinion and are seen as affecting trias politica in Korean society. Third, the Korean incident of news manipulation implicates a new form of populism in the 21st century and the nature of democratic participation. This article aims to explicate key issues in media manipulation by including wider technological, cultural, and political aspects in the South Korean news media context.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제42권3호
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• pp.63-78
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• 2011

This study looked into conflicts of government policies for oil spill sites which are focusing on Taean-gun after the oil spill in Taean-gun and examined the effects on the conflicts. There are lots of conflicts on the on-going restoration project of fishing ground environment(fishing ground inspection, restoration program development, improvement in fishery biology ecosystem and fishery productivity). For example, these show diverse conflicts between business associates, project processes, business subjects, project participation, and the use of fishing ground. This study found out the first reason of dissatisfaction and conflicts is that there is a difference between groups in terms of political aims and perception. Secondly, lack of communication and cooperation between the center and the provinces, organizations in the provinces, the local government and fishing village cooperatives, fishermen in the fishing industry. Thirdly, the local government and the fishing village head don't show their leadership to improve project performance.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.65-79
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• 2013

This paper examines communication patterns of key Twitter users by considering the socially and politically controversial Sejong City issue in South Korea. The network and message data were drawn from twtkr.com. Social network-based indicators and visualization methods were used to analyze political discourse among key Twitter users over time and illustrate various types of Tweets by these users and the interconnection between these key users. In addition, the study examines general Twitter users' participation in the discussion on the issue. The results indicate that some Twitter profiles of media outlets tend to be very dominant in terms of their message output, whereas their Tweets are not likely to be circulated by other users. Noteworthy is that Twitter profiles of individuals who are geographically affiliated with the issue are likely to play an important role in the flow of communication.

• 대한안전경영과학회지
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.121-131
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• 2003

This study centers on how the electronic democracy which is expected to be a political system of information society may increase civic participation and develop political system. On the other hand, critics of internet voting claim that the technology required to properly authenticate voters and assure the accuracy and integrity of the election system either does not exist or is not widespread enough in society to be equitable and effective. In order to capture the potential that this new technology offers, it must be implemented correctly, upon a well-conceived framework of standards and procedures. At the same time, government must seek the advice of industry leaders as well as social activists so as to avoid the many obstacles that will undoubtedly arise.

• 사회복지연구
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

본 논문은 건강보험정책결정과정에서의 참여민주주의를 중심으로 김대중·노무현 정부 복지국가 성격을 연구하였다. 참여민주주의는 한국 민주주의의 질적 발전 보다는 외환위기 이후 자본주의 구조조정을 위한 정치적 정당성 확보 전략에 의해 도입되었다. 따라서 참여민주주의가 복지국가 발전의 한 지표인 보장성강화를 획득해내는데 긍정적인 역할을 하였음에도 불구하고 신자유주의적 이념 추구, 국가재정책임성 미약, 정책결정과정에 가입자의 실질적인 참여 배제로 2007년 보장성강화정책은 결국 실패로 돌아가게 되었다. 과거 복지제도와 마찬가지로 김대중·노무현 정부 참여민주주의제도도 정치적 정당성 확보를 위해 도입되었으나 경제성장우선이데올로기의 제약하에서 운영되었다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 참여민주주의제도는 '서비스'가 아닌 '권력'형태의 제도라는 점, 참여민주주의제도로 인한 권력의 부여가 보장성 강화요구를 통해 복지국가 발전에 긍정적인 역할을 하였다는 사실로 미루어 볼 때 김대중·노무현 정부가 과거 복지국가와는 차별적이다.