Koreanishche Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft
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v.5
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pp.143-166
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2002
Das Ziel dieses Aufsatzes liegt darin, auf Grund der Theorien von einigen Grammatikern die Korrelation zwischen der Dependenzgrammatik (=DG) und GBTheorie(=GB) zu beschreiben. Nach Eroms(2000) sind VPn in eine engere Phrase, die die $Erg\"{a}nzungen$ in obliquen Kasus bindet, und eine $\"{a}u{\ss}ere$, die Subjektsvalenz abbindet, zu trennen. Dem INFL-Phrasenkopf der GB entspricht das Finitheitsmorphem in der DG. In der $herk\"{o}mmlichen$ DG steht das Verb an der Spitze des Satzes, aber Eroms(2000) stellt S an die Satzspitze. Die S(mit S., S?, S!) sind $n\"{a}mlich$ oberstes Element des Satzes, von dem alle anderen $W\"{o}rter\;abh\"{a}ngig$ sind. Die Konjunktionen regieren ihren Satz, bzw. der Satz wird durch sie gesteuert. Damit ist die Analogie zur X-bar-Syntax $vollst\"{a}ndig$. Nach Vater(l996) lasst sich die Struktur der deutschen VP systernatisch nach dem X-bar-Schema darstellen, wobei die Zuordnung der Objekte mehrere $M\"{o}glichkeiten\;zul\"{a}sst$. X-bar-Regeln allein $k\"{o}nnen$ nicht die Vielfalt $m\"{o}glicher$ VP-Strukturen erzeugen. Hier greifen V-bar-Regeln und Valenz ineinander. Vater(l996) $schl\"{a}gt$ vor, den von $\'{A}gel(1993)$ vorgeschlagenen Unterschied zwischen Valenzpotenz und Valenzrealisierung zu $ber\"{u}cksichtigen$, um die verschiedenen syntaktischen und morphologischen Realisierungen zwischen verschiedenen Sprachen in den Griff zu bekommen. $\'{A}gel(1993, 2000)$ nimmt in Anlehnung an $L\'{a}szlo(l988)$ zwei Realisierungsebenen der Valenz, die Mikroebene(=die der morphologischen Aktanten) und die Makroebene(=die der syntaktischen Aktanten) an. Der $Tr\"{a}ger$ auf Mikroebene ist der Mikroaktant, also der Teil des Verbflexivs, der $Tr\"{a}ger$ auf Makroebene ist der Makroaktant, also das syntaktische Subjekt. Die Begriffe 'Mikroebene' und 'Makroebene' werden sowohl statisch und als auch dynamisch interpretiert. Auf Grund dieser Begriffe versucht $\'{A}gel(1993, 2000)$, nach Parallelen der Valenzrealisierung in S und NP zu suchen. Aber die Untersuchung der $Valenzrealisierungsverh\"{a}ltnisse$ in der NP wird zu einem scheinbaren typologischen Gegensatz zwischen S und NP $f\"{u}hren$. Um diesen Gegensatz $aufzul\"{o}sen$, wird das Konzept 'finites Substantiv' $eingef\"{u}hrt$, das analog zum Konzept 'finites Verb' ist. Dabei wird die sog. starke Adjektivflexion in einen Teil der Substantivflexion uminterpretiert. Die GB-Theorie definiert sich als eine Theorie der sog. mentalen Grammatik, des $Sprachverm\"{o}gens$. Da als der Gegenstand der DG die sog. objektive Grammatik angesehen werden kann, scheint der grundlegende Unterschied zwischen den $Gegenst\"{a}nden$ beider Theorien in der Opposition 'intem(=mental vs. extern (=objektiv)' zu liegen. Da die GB eine 'naturwissenschaftlicher' organisierte Theorie ist als die empirische Richtung der DG, ware eine Vergleichsgrundlage in der Tat nicht einfach zu etablieren. Obwohl die beiden Theorien von $v\"{o}llig$ anderen Voraussetzungen und Zielsetzungen ausgehen, gibt es zwischen der DG und der GB $\"{U}berlappungen$ und zunehmende $Ann\"{a}herungen$. Generell ist es notwendig, dass Teileinsichten aus einer Theorie in eine andere Theorie $\"{u}bernommen$ werden. In diesem Aufsatz konnten wir durch die Untersuchung der Korrelation von beiden Theorien partielle Konvergenzen erkennen. Nach Engel(l994) gibt es keine Grammatik 'an sich', sie wird von Grammatikern gemacht. Grammatiken sind Menschenwerk und Linguistenwerk. Wir sind auf der Suche nach 'einer besseren Grammatik.'
This study aims to provide policy suggestions by examining the perception and attitude of Koreans toward the welfare rights. The study was done through a telephone survey conducted by an opinion research institute on 2,050 respondents in 16 cities and provinces. The results are as follows. First, a majority of Koreans responded that the primary responsibility for welfare rests with the government and perceived their welfare receipt rights in a positive way. Respondents also showed an assertive attitude toward exercising their rights by stating that they intend to file a demurrer or participate in civic activities. Second, in terms of duty performance, most respondents showed different positions concerning tax hike and insurance rate increase, although they showed a stronger opposition to an increase in insurance fee. In addition, 90% of the respondents were in favor of building welfare institutions in the residential area and an overwhelming proportion of the respondents indicated that they would take an active part in welfare development by regularly paying taxes and volunteering. Third, the respondents gave a very negative rating to Koreas welfare system and its overall level. That is, people thought that the level of Koreas welfare system is on a par with that in developing or underdeveloped countries, and that the welfare system benefits no one or only the rich. People generally felt that there was not one proper welfare institution. In conclusion, the study found that Koreans have keen awareness of their welfare rights and proactive attitude toward welfare development, whereas negative viewpoint toward tax and insurance fee increases. This may stem from peoples distrust of government welfare policies and the existing welfare system. This study suggests that welfare policy is an important factor in determining peoples political attitude. Therefore, government authorities must recognize people not as passive receivers of welfare benefit but as active policy partners, and establish policies that reflect peoples high welfare rights perception and willingness to take part in welfare development.
Local opposition and protest constitute single greatest hurdle to the siting of locally unwanted land uses(LULUs), especially siting of high-level radioactive disposal not only throughout Korea but also throughout the industrialized world. It can be attributed mainly to the NIMBYism, equity problem, and lack of participation. These problems are arisen from rational planning process which emphasizes instrumental rationality. But planning is a value-laden political activity, in which substantive rationality is central. To achieve this goals, we need a sound planning process for siting LULUs, which should improve the ability of citizens to influence the decisions that affects them. By a sound planning process, we mean one that is open to citizen input and contains accurate and complete information. In other word, the public is also part of the goal setting process and, as the information and analyses developed by the planners are evaluated by the public, strategies for solutions can be developed through consensus-building. This method is called as a co-operative siting process, and must be structured in order to arrive at publicly acceptable decisions. The followings are decided by consensus-building method. 1. Negotiation will be held? 2. What is the benefits and risks of negotiation? 3. What are solutions when collisions between national interests and local ones come into? 4. What are the agendas? 5. What is the community' role in site selection? 6. Are there incentives to negotiation. 7. Who are the parties to the negotiation? 8. Who will represent the community? 9. What groundwork of negotiation is set up? 10. How do we assure that the community access to information and expert? 11. What happens if negotiation is failed? 12. Is it necessary to trust each other in negotiations? 13. Is a mediator needed in negotiations?
Animation movie is a non-photorealistic animated art that consists of formative language forming a frame based on a story and cuts describing frames that form the cuts. Therefore, in expressing an image, artistic expression methods and devices for a formative space are should be provided in a frame while cuts have the images between frames faithfully. Short animation movie is produced by various image experiments with unique image expressions rather than narration for expressing subjective discourse of a writer. Therefore, image style that forms unique images and various image directions are important factors. This study compared the experimental image directions of and , both of which showed a production method of film manipulation. First, while uses pixilation that produces images obtained from live images through painting and many optical disclosure process on a cell mat, was made with diverse collage techniques such as tearing, cutting, pasting, and folding hundreds of scenes from action movies. Second, expresses non-causal relationship of characters by their repetitive behaviors and circulatory image structure through a fixed camera angle, resisting typical scene transition. On the other hand, has an advancing structure that progresses antagonistic relationship of characters through diverse camera angles and scene transition of unique images. Third, in terms of editing, uses a long-take short cut technique in which the whole image consists of one short cut, though it seems to be many scenes with the appearance of various characters. On the other hand, maximizes visual fun and commitment by image reconstruction with hundreds of various short cuts. That is, both works have common features of an experimental work that shows expansion of animated image expressions through film manipulation that is different form general animation productions. On top of that, delivers routine life of diverse human beings without clear narration through image of conceptualized spaces. expresses it in a new image space through image reconstruction with collage technique and speedy progress, setting a binary opposition structure.
This study examines the state of archeological research on Silla and Unified Silla conducted in North Korea and identifies its characteristics. In South Korea, most research has focused on prehistoric times in North Korea, and little research has been done on Silla and Unified Silla. Noting this, we attempted to examine the history of archaeological research in North Korea to provide foundations upon which to go forward. The research was examined in terms of general archaeological themes including tombs, fortresses, the capital city, earthenware, roof tiles, ornaments, weapons, and horse harnesses, and we identified four characteristics from the examination. First, Juche ideology had a great influence on interpretation of the unification of the three kingdoms. The Juche ideology was first proposed in 1955, and at the time, it was not fully established as an ideology but rather seen as constituting opposition to toadyism. Accordingly, the unification of the three kingdoms led by Silla was seen as amounting to collusion with foreign forces and was not acknowledged. A piece of evidence shows that this change took place around 1962. Second, an inclination to testify to the 'uniqueness' of the cultures of the three kingdoms is observed. The argument is that culture in the Korean peninsula has unique characteristics that set it apart from Chinese culture, and that the cultures of the three kingdoms share much in common. This inclination was not mentioned in research until the 1950s, and it can be seen as an effort to comply with Juche ideology and prove the principle of unity as stated in the national leader's instructions in the 1960s. Third, the influence of Goguryeo on the formation of Silla culture is emphasized. Related research explains that Baekje, Silla, and Gaya adopted the 'superior' culture of Goguryeo, and could establish 'uniqueness' of culture accordingly. It is claimed that an advanced Goguryeo culture was disseminated throughout Balhae and Unified Silla, and then to Goryeo, resulting in a true unification of the ethnic culture. Fourth, researchers in North Korea presume the Silla tombs and other relics to be far older than South Korean researchers' estimate. From a standpoint of highlighting the long history of Korea, they estimate the Silla Dynasty was founded in the early or mid-first century. Accordingly, archeological evidence that demonstrates the establishment of the state is dated as far back. Such an estimate is also indispensable in justifying the explanation that the chamber tombs of Goguryeo had a direct influence on Silla. These research characteristics which arose during the 1960s continue to be basic guidelines for North Korean researchers.
La langue est un des ${\acute{e}}l{\acute{e}}ments$$privil{\acute{e}}gi{\acute{e}}s$ de la $r{\hat{e}}verie$ chez Bachelard. La langue est une force fondamentale de l'imagination. D'une part, elle garde son propre valeur dans le processus de l'imagination, et d'autre part elle forme sa propre image. La $priorit{\acute{e}}$ de langue chez Bachelard a, en effet, quelque liaison avec la notion de Logos qui avait ${\acute{e}}t{\acute{e}}$$trait{\acute{e}}$ depuis longtemps comme $v{\acute{e}}rit{\acute{e}}$${\acute{e}}ternelle$ dans la $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ occidentale. Cependant, la notion de logos de Bachelard se $diff{\grave{e}}re$ de celle de $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ occidentale. Tandis que la $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ traditionnelle traite le logos comme un but ${\acute{e}}ternel$ de sa $m{\acute{e}}ditation$, Bachelard donne l'importance sur la $capacit{\acute{e}}$ linguistique et imaginaire du logos. Le $logosph{\grave{e}}re$ est un des exemples qui montre bien la $diff{\acute{e}}rence$ entre la notion de logos de Bachelard et celle de $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ traditionnelle. Le $logosph{\grave{e}}re$ est un $n{\acute{e}}ologisme$ de Bachelard qui est fait pour $d{\acute{e}}signer$$l^{\prime}atmosph{\grave{e}}re$ verbal de la $soci{\acute{e}}t{\acute{e}}$ contemporaine $gr{\hat{a}}ce$${\grave{a}}$ l'emission de radio. Bachelard comprend le $ph{\acute{e}}nom{\grave{e}}ne$ de radio en tant que $r{\acute{e}}alisation$ de $Psych{\acute{e}}$ dans la vie quotidienne. C'est $gr{\hat{a}}ce$${\grave{a}}$ la technologie moderne que nous pouvons avoir l'univers de langue plus facilement par rapport aux $si{\grave{e}}cles$$pr{\acute{e}}c{\acute{e}}dents$. Selon Bachelard, la radio n'est pas un simple instrument de communication. C'est une porte pour entrer dans la $r{\hat{e}}verie$ universelle. La radio est une voix du monde qui exprime notre inconscient. Quand un $r{\hat{e}}veur$$r{\hat{e}}ve$, son $r{\hat{e}}verie$ se $d{\acute{e}}veloppe$ en se discutant avec le monde. Alors, quand nous $r{\hat{e}}vons$, nous parlons au monde et nous ${\acute{e}}coutons$ du monde, de sorte que nous devenons les citoyens du $logosph{\grave{e}}re$. Dans son oeuvre Sur la Grammatologie, J. Derrida critique la $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ occidentale en la intitulant logocentrisme. Derrida pense que la philosophie occidentale a comme le but final la $pr{\acute{e}}sence$ de logos. Cette $pr{\acute{e}}sence$ de logos ne peut ${\hat{e}}tre$$r{\acute{e}}alis{\acute{e}}e$ que par la langue de la voix, non pas par la langue de $caract{\grave{e}}re$. $D^{\prime}o{\grave{u}}$ vient le logocentrisme ou le phonocentrisme de $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ occidental. Mais Derrida pense que le logocentrisme n'est qu'un autre aspect de l'ethnocentrisme ${\acute{e}}troit$ de l'occident. La notion de $logosph{\grave{e}}re$ de Bachelard a quelques ressemblances avec logocentrisme par ses apparences. Cependant, elles ont une $diff{\acute{e}}rence$ fondamentale depuis leur $d{\acute{e}}part$. Tandis que logocentrisme $tra{\hat{i}}te$ la parole en tant que $mani{\grave{e}}re$ d'expression de raison qui est une puissance fondamentale de l'homme, Bachelard pense que la parole est un $r{\acute{e}}sultat$ d'une opposition et fusion de notre raisons et parole. Bachelard pense que la parole est une $r{\acute{e}}alisation$ de l'image qui est l'essence de notre $psych{\acute{e}}$. Pour lui, la parole, la quintessence de $logosph{\grave{e}}re$, est le champ de l'imagination $d^{\prime}o{\grave{u}}$ jaillissent les images. C'est pour cela que $logosph{\grave{e}}re$ se situe ${\grave{a}}$ l'antipode de logocentrisme. $Logosph{\grave{e}}re$ nous fournit un espace de $r{\hat{e}}verie$ de langue. Notre $soci{\acute{e}}t{\acute{e}}$ contemporaine $fourr{\acute{e}}e$ des images visuelles creuses est $d{\acute{e}}pouill{\acute{e}}e$ de plus en plus des espaces de $r{\hat{e}}veries$. C'est une des raisons que le $logosph{\grave{e}}re$ de Bachelard doit ${\hat{e}}tre$$r{\acute{e}}activ{\acute{e}}$ aujourd'hui.
There were strong criticisms against the joint development method: the redevelopment corporation and developers would achieve the whole development profit. The existing tenants who lost their housing in the site argued their right to reside in the site after the development was completed. There was also strong political pressure that the Roh Tae-woo governing administration should resolve the social inequality caused by the situation. In such circumstances, it was introduced that a certain proportion of public rental housing should be built in the redevelopment site; then the government took over the dwellings at a price of construction and allocated them to the existing tenants. The aims of this paper are to understand the rationale behind the inclusion of the public rental housing in the redevelopment sites; and to investigate to what extent the legislation was implemented appropriately. Although the legislation was introduced in Seoul from August 1989, it was not until May 2005 when it was implemented nationwide. At the beginning, there was an ambiguous rule that the number of public housing to be included should be limited to the number of households who would want to remain in the redeveloped site. In 2005 the Seoul metropolitan authority introduced a mandatory proportion; 17% of the total housing delivered in the site should be public rental homes. Since then the proportion. The proportion has been fluctuated by the political agenda of each ruling party: the conservative tended to reduce the proportion, whilst the opposition parties increased the proportion. Currently the proportion is 20% of the total stock to be built. Initially the size of the public housing was exceptionally small- less than 40 m2 but it has increased up to 60 m2 since 2010. The rental price was reasonably lower than market rent. The competition toward redevelopment rental housing that are vacant due to move or death of tenants was very high; it was given to one household out of nine eligible households in 2020.
The purpose of this paper is to identify the difference between Sangsan-Simhak(象山心學) and Yangming-Simhak(陽明心學). This means that the whole history of Sung Confucianism needs to be understood based on changing philosophical paradigm according to the times, not general perception which regards the whole history of Sung Confucianism as Li-Hak (理學) and Sim-Hak(心學). This kind of perception is caused by the general perception which divides Sung Confucianism into Sim-Hak and Li-Hak. We regard the former as Chung-Chu study and the latter as Liu-Yang study. Because of this, Sangsan study is recognized as the former stage study of Yangming study and can not be placed in independent position in whole history of Sung Confucianism. And Sang is regarded that it takes diametrical opposition with Chuhsi study. So it is said that there is no point of sameness among them. But Sangsan study was generated from 'Song-Hak(宋學)' based on paradigm of Li-Hak and Yangming study was generated from 'Ming-Hak(明學)' based on paradigm of Sim-Hak. The difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' is generated from proposition called 'Sim is Li (心卽理)' that most research has overlooked. To identify these things, this paper examine the philosophical difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' and analyze the proposition 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' that regards Sangsan study and Yangming study as same philosophical system. And this paper identify the philosophical difference between Sangsan study and Yangming study by examining the method that the concept of 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' is applied in moral cultivation. This paper shows that the difference of interpretation about the concept of Li(理), between 'Song-Hak' based on Li paradigm and 'Ming-Hak' based on Ki-Hak(氣學) paradigm, causes different meaning in 'Sim is Li(心卽理)'. Through these, this paper demonstrate the difference between the paradigm of 'Song-Hak' that Chuhsi study and Sangsan study have and the paradigm of 'Ming-Hak' that Yangming study has and the fact which Sangsan study is systematic philosophy of Sung Confucianism in itself not former stage of Yangming study.
Do the particular good and the common good stand in relation of opposition or superiority each other? With regard to this question, some argue that the relevant Thomas texts reveal the superiority of the common good over the particular good, while others argue for the superiority of the particular good. The argument of this articles is, however, that closer examination of texts shows that Thomas Aquinas seeks to the unity of the common good and the particular good instead of seeing the conflict between them. It is true that Thomist moral and political theory emphasizes the value of the individual, but it should be noted that for Thomas the individual as individual does not exist, but shares specific formal determination with other members of the same species and, therefore, is the individualized, concrete universal. Good, meanwhile, means perfection which each being pursues and a thing is called good in the absolute sense when it actualizes its potentialities as a whole. An individual person is said to pursue only partial good, if it only seeks its perfection as an individual. The nature of individual person should be fully realized only in and through the community pursuing the common good. But the aim of living together which is rooted in the nature of human being as a rational being is for its members to live virtuously. The political community is said to try to bring its individual members to perfection, since the virtues are what renders human beings and their acts good. In this sense the particular good of the individual person is achieved through the pursuit of the common good and the common good is realized through the pursuit of the particular good so that they coincide each other. But this unity remains imperfect, when it would not be rightly ordered to its due end which is non other than the highest good, that is God. Accordingly the goodness of the human being in an absolute sense lies in the unity of the particular good and the common good rightly oriented towards the highest good, which is also called common good which every being pursues.
The most important vocabulary in Advaita $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$, which is anthropology and soteriology on the self, is of course '${\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the self', to which '$an{\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the other' is in opposition. As $Ved{\bar{a}}ntic$ system revolves around the concept ${\bar{a}}tman$, it can be compared favorably with 'final vocabulary' of Richard Rorty. Moreover, $Ved{\bar{a}}ntic$ system can be termed as 'a return of self-identity', in which a process of returning is from a deceived self to the true and original self. After all, story of '$an{\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the other' in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ seems to have no significance at all. However, discourse about the other can also lead a something fruitful. There are such doctrines in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ that support a procedure of self-realization not according to the Hegelian dialectic but to the transposition and continuous antagonism between the self and the other, as a special meaning of viveka (discrimination) that fixes a boundary between the self and the other, a destruction of falsehood that is more important than establishment of truthfulness, a transposition of the true and the false before and after self-realization. Thus the other is not disappeared but only hidden, even after accomplishing its own methodological role, and the same is with discourse about the other. To revive forgotten vocabulary in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ is an attempt to reconstruct devaluated story by means of shifting the pivot of discourse from the self to the other. The essential thing in this attempt may be to revive the conceptions of 'effort' that is intently concealed and of 'self-inquiry' that has lost its true meaning. Out of these, a systematic and continuous self-inquiry, consists in having a scenario on the question 'Who am I?' and utilizing that scenario by experience without interruption. A work of reconstructing the lost narratives in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ can be feasible only when the history of self-inquiry is redescribed in the system itself, provided that object of inquiry is not 'a self as the self' but 'a self as the other'.
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