• Korean Association of Arts Management
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.33-72
• /
• 2021

I intended to discuss the new phase of the publicness of museums in a digital environment with the Goole Arts & Culture Project. To this end, I critically examined the instrumental approaches and technological optimism in the application of digital technology to museums, and scrutinized the recent museological issues, particularly the revision or curtailment of the museum's publicness amid the spread of neoliberal policy, which have been omitted within those technological approaches. This is because the meaning of Google Art & Culture can be considered more effectively through an extended theoretical reconstruction. Based on these theoretical discussions, I critically reviewed how the "non-profit," an important concept that defines the publicness of museums, was adopted and utilized as an business strategy by Google. As a result, I wanted to reveal that the neoliberalization of museums, the failure of the government's public function, the crisis of museum's publicness, and Google's "non-profit" strategy have been closely related. Armed with advanced digital technology, the GAC project appropriated the publicness of museums as a useful profit-making model. As such, now the concept of publicness of museums is at a point of more controversial and radical transformation than ever before.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.26-48
• /
• 2010

The current government tries to pursue a series of energy plans and strategies which have been recently established under the banner of 'green growth'. Although there have been several critical comments on the energy policy, the structural background under which the energy policy has been established and implemented has not yet been scrutinized. This paper understands the current government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy as a process of neoliberalization. In particular, the energy policy is characterized as industrialization, marketization, technologization, and financialization of energy, which bring about a lot of detailed issues. This kind of 'green growth' strategy is far from the model of sustainable development, and rather seems to be well interpreted in terms of what Harvey calls 'accumulation by dispossession'. As the government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy denies the roll of citizens and civil society which would mediate and arbitrate the contradiction between environment preservation and economic growth, and conflicts between market mechanism and state intervention, so alternatives to the 'green growth' strategy should be orientated to a citizen-participating and civil society-led energy policy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.427-449
• /
• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.301-323
• /
• 2013

The government of the UK since the 1990, especially under the new Labour Party, has pursued sustainable development or carbon control as a core strategy for its national development. The seemingly prominent environmental policy for 'greening the government' of the UK as well as considerable achievements in energy and environment indices have attracted much attentions of policy makers and researchers for the 'low carbon green growth' in Korea. This paper tries to see the character of carbon control and environmental policy in the UK not merely as the integrating or mainstreaming policy but a new strategy for national development, that is, for the 'ecologically modernized' state, eco-state, or green state. It defines the environmental policy for carbon control in the UK as the strategy for the green state which has provided it as a principal guide for integrating national policies as a whole, and which has pursued it through market-dependent neoliberal measures. From this point of view, this paper introduces the development process of carbon control and environmental policy mainly under the new Labour Party government in the UK, and gives a reappraisal of both its policy and of energy-environment indices.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.74
• /
• pp.38-71
• /
• 2015

Based on the Foucault's governmentality, this study has described the self-government strategy that healing discourse is implemented during 2011-2013. Healing discourse's priority is the existence value of individual and full concentration about self is needed more than anything. In this process, people who need to heal and comfort are limit to de-politicized individuals. Healing discourse emphasizes that the current enhancement in order to become reflection and growth of self. Demands of reflection and growth is substitute the critics of the era and society, but also act as a specific code of conduct to individuals. While emphasizes the reflection and personal growth, healing discourse has top priority of the current value. However, in this process, criticism of the era issues and social structural factors are fundamentally excluded. People accepted healing discourse actively, decided empowering self by reflection and remorse. On the other hand, there is a crack and specificity in the dominant reception discourse likewise some subjects criticized that there is no realistic consolation, exposed the antipathy to the older generation, denied the way of problematized objectification. But this is a partial denial about healing as concrete technology, not fundamental resistance about neoliberal orders.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.53-94
• /
• 2021

This article pays attention to the gender representation of an abominable male abject that reveal class polarization in the movie Parasite. I seeks to read a new aspect of emotional politics in which a precariat man becomes a male patriarch while representing himself with an abhorrent position. Parasite shows a reversal of daughter and son responsible for parents, contrary to the existing family narrative. They teaches the parents' generation how to survive neoliberal that their place is created only when they take away others' place. However, after losing this prospect, Ki-woo confesses to his father that he is sorry first. Ki-taek also attempted to identify Dong-ik with the patriarch, but this male solidarity collapsed by class and committed murder in sudden anger. As a result, Gi-taek goes down to the hateful status of a stinking underground life, and Ki-woo receives a message of ethical reflection from his isolated father. The film gives the father and son the noble status of ethical fighter who fought against the structure of class polarization, especially the ending epilogue and narration emphasizing the ethical responsibility and mutual solidarity between father and son. In this process, the voices of female characters are gradually omitted, blurring gender screening for male characters. Parasite reveals the political reenactment strategy of precariat men in the age of neoliberalism, which is ethical subject by claiming to be a class abject himself. And representing the hate with gender-selecting, it is beautifying the responsible ethics of the patriarch.