• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.154-169
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• 2021

The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.13-29
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to analyze the spatial distribution and location factors of startups by generation (young and middle-aged) in Seoul. To this end, a research model was established that included factors of industry, population, and startup institutions by generation in 424 administrative districts using the Seoul Business Enterprise Survey(2018), which includes data on the age group of entrepreneurs. As an analysis method, descriptive statistics were conducted to confirm the frequency, average and standard deviation of startups by generation and major variables in the administrative districts of Seoul, and spatial distribution and characteristics of startups by generation were analyzed through global and local spatial autocorrelation analysis. In particular, the spatial distribution of startups in Seoul was confirmed in-depth by categorizing and analyzing startups by major industries. Afterwards, an appropriate spatial regression analysis model was selected through the Lagrange test, and based on this, the location factors affecting startups by generation were analyzed. The main results derived from the research results are as follows. First, there was a significant difference in the spatial distribution of young and middle-aged startups. The young people started to startups in the belt-shaped area that connects Seocho·Gangnam-Yongsan-Mapo-Gangseo, while middle-aged people were relatively active in the southeastern region represented by Seocho, Gangnam, Songpa, and Gangdong. Second, startups by generation in Seoul showed various spatial distributions according to the type of business. In the knowledge high-tech industries(ICT, professional services) in common, Seocho, Gangnam, Mapo, Guro, and Geumcheon were the centers, and the manufacturing industry was focused on existing clusters. On the other hand, in the case of the life service industry, young people were active in startups near universities and cultural centers, while middle-aged people were concentrated on new towns. Third, there was a difference in factors that influenced the startup location of each generation in Seoul. For young people, high-tech industries, universities, cultural capital, and densely populated areas were significant factors for startup, and for middle-aged people, professional service areas, low average age, and the level of concentration of start-up support institutions had a significant influence on startup. Also, these location factors had different influences for each industry. The implications suggested through the study are as follows. First, it is necessary to support systematic startups considering the characteristics of each region, industry, and generation in Seoul. As there are significant differences in startup regions and industries by generation, it is necessary to strengthen a customized startup support system that takes into account these regional and industrial characteristics. Second, in terms of research methods, a follow-up study is needed that comprehensively considers culture and finance at the large districts(Gu) level through data accumulation.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.11-37
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• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.83-114
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• 2021

This paper identifies what the theoretical similarities and differences are in the concept of Sangsaeng held by Zhuxi (1130~1200) and Jeungsan (1871~1909). Human beings cannot live alone. For humans to survive, they must live with others. However, humans have an infinite desire not only for survival but also for material things, honor, and power. In other words, humans, on the one hand, seek harmony and symbiosis for survival, and on the other, constantly confront, conflict and compete with one another to satisfy their infinite desires. Thus, human-to-human interrelationship is not a co-prosperity that creates partnerships for harmony but one of adversaries within competition that must be fought and defeated. At the same time, humans can achieve harmony and cooperation by overcoming their infinite desires and realizing morality. Therefore, various social problems that originate from competitive structure, which are dominated by confrontation and conflict, can be solved through human effort and reflection, so that humans can focus on solving social problems by mobilizing their own wisdom. Jeungsan emphasized Sangsaeng as mutual beneficence and it became one of the creeds of Daesoon Thought. In the Neo-Confucianism of Zhuxi, there is an ideology of Sangsaeng as co-prosperity and this is comparable to mutual beneficence in Daesoon Thought. In Zhuxi's terminology it is called 'In (仁), humanity.' In Neo-Confucianism, a harmonious world is achieved by loving people and caring for and nurturing all things when the principles of humanity are realized. This means that when the principle of co-prosperity is realized in Daesoon Thought, there will be no conflict or grudges, and only an acquired vision of reconciliation and mutual beneficence will be achieved. Zhuxi also emphasizes the realization of humanity (cheonli) by eliminating self-interest. At this time, the relationship between humanity and 'self-interest' is similar to the relationship between the mutual beneficence and grievances in Daesoon Thought. Just as the principle of 'In' fosters love among people and the benefit of things immediately after self-interest is removed, the principle of mutual beneficence is realized immediately after grudges are resolved. This achieves an endless of paradise on earth.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.66-79
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• 2022

In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5^th century to the early 6^th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.24-48
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• 2022

Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.102-118
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• 2022

Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, is the very essence of the culture and technology of the thousand-year-reign of Silla. However, few studies have been conducted on the landscape sites of the capital of Silla other than Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, due to the lack of related data. Therefore, this study examined the construction characteristics and nature of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, whose complete appearance was identified through excavation following Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond. Since the excavation of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, Gyeongju, there have been disagreements in academia as to whether it is a palace pond or a temple pond of Bunhwangsa Temple. Considering the unique characteristic of the garden pond that it is divided into two periods, it was interpreted that it would have functioned as a ritual facility related to Ryong (oriental dragon) belief in the 6th to 7th centuries, the first period, and as a garden pond with enhanced landscaping functions in the 8th to 9th centuries, the second period. In addition, it is highly probable that it was the site of Cheongyeongung Palace (青淵宮) and Jochujeong Pavilion (造秋亭) mentioned in the literature records. The "ㄹ"- shaped waterway, a characteristic facility of the first period, was found; however, considering its width and depth, it is insufficient to conclude that it was a simple drainage facility. Rather, it is more likely that it functioned as a passageway for the conceptual entry of Ryong during Ryong rituals. Furthermore, some have suggested that it may have been a ceremony-related Yusang-goksu (流觴曲水) facility. These facilities related to Ryong rituals were reorganized in the second period. Specifically, the nature of the garden pond was changed centered on the landscaping function in connection with the addition of a curved revetment, garden stone, and pavilion buildings, and the dismantlement of the "ㄹ"-shaped waterway and hexagonal building. As for nature, it can be regarded as a royal facility in terms of decorative elements including the ritual function of the first period and the gwimyeonwa (ghost face tiles) of the second period. Judging from the fact that the upper part of the embankment adjacent to the west side of the site was removed, it is very apparent that the main building was located on the upper part of the embankment. There would not have been a large-scale building site because it served the functions of ritual and recreation, rather than being the residence of the king.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.81-96
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which the contents of elementary and secondary curricula are connected and overlapped in the 'family life' area of Practical Arts(Technology & Home Economics) subjects. The procedure and results are as were like below. First, the types of criteria for analyzing curriculum contents are developed. The connectivity are classified as 'discontinuous hierarchy' and 'spiral hierarchy' and duplication are classified as 'repetition (high level of overlapping)', 'reproducing', 'deepening (intermediate level of overlapping)', 'substitution', and 'omission (low level of overlapping)'. Second, as a result of analyzing the contents of elementary and secondary curricula, the 'Human Development' area showed higher connectivity with a deepening type of duplication. The 'Safety' and the 'Lifelong Planning' concepts showed lower connectivity. Third, as a result of analyzing the achievement standards of the 2015 Curriculum, the secondary Home Economics curriculum showed a considerable increase in the level of difficulty and the volume compared to the elementary curriculum. There was low connectivity between the contents of elementary and secondary curricula in the core concepts 'Safety' and 'Lifelong Planning', an intermediate level of connectivity in 'Life Culture' and 'Management', and high connectivity in 'Development' and 'Relationship'. Also, there was a high level of duplication in the core concepts 'Safety' and 'Lifelong Planning', being classified as 'reproducing', 'substitution', and 'omission', analyzed to have low connectivity. When structuring the curriculum contents with a spiral hierarchy, one should connect the elementary and secondary school contents organically: the hierarchy with core concepts considering the different characters of constructuring knowledge in each school level, with a moderate volume, with a moderate difficulty level, with a moderate level of duplication of the contents, and with the minimum level of repetition of the same topics within the same school level.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.52-76
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• 2023

This article focuses on changes in the ginseng industry in the 1930s in areas other than the Government Contract Cultivation (GCC) zones. A major characteristic of the ginseng industry in the 1930s was the rapid increase in the area covered by ginseng gardens: the area was about 212 ha in 1929 and 252 ha in 1930 and 1931 but soared to around 441 ha in 1938. This occurred because the non-GCC areas increased significantly during this period. Until the early 1930s, the ratio of GCC to non-GCC areas was 70:30. By the late 1930s, however, the ratio had changed to 53:47. The reason for this change was that the area of the newly established ginseng gardens in the GCC zones had decreased, while that of the non-GCC ginseng gardens had steadily increased. Due to the Japanese invasion of China, China boycotted red ginseng, and exports were sluggish, so the GCC areas were reduced. On the other hand, the non-GCC ginseng gardens were not affected, and the area they covered steadily increased. As a result, in the 1930s, the ginseng industry outside of the GCC areas grew rapidly. The region that led the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zone was Jeonbuk. By the late 1930s, Jeonbuk dominated the other provinces and accounted for more than 50% of the non-GCC farming zone. Gyeongbuk and Gangwon-do followed Jeonbuk in terms of ginseng cultivation areas. While Gyeonggi-do, Gyeongnam, and Chungbuk were also active in ginseng cultivation, Jeonnam and Chungnam were not active. In the 1930s, the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zones was driven by the efforts of ginseng farmers and the support of local governments. An examination of Yecheon-gun in Gyeongbuk, Ganghwa-gun in Gyeonggi, and Jecheon-gun in Chungcheongbuk-do showed that ginseng farmers organized cooperatives as the ginseng industry steadily developed in these regions, and these cooperatives worked systematically to cultivate and sell ginseng. In the case of Ganghwa-gun, activities were carried out to incorporate the GCC zone. The Deoksan Ginseng Association in Jecheon-gun determined that financing for cultivation was key and requested subsidies from the provincial government. Administrative authorities also supported the activities of the ginseng farmers. The activities of the farmers and the support of the administrative authorities together led to the growth of the ginseng industry during this period.