• 제목/요약/키워드: nation state's power

검색결과 33건 처리시간 0.022초

(탈)중심화 경관의 해석을 위한 틀 : 권력, 주체성, 수행성 (A Framework of Interpretating (de)Centralized Landscape : an Interaction of Power, Subjectivity, and Performativity)

  • 박규택;하용삼;배윤기
    • 한국지역지리학회지
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    • 제16권4호
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    • pp.355-368
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    • 2010
  • 본 연구는 근대 국민국가와 자본주의 체제가 수립된 이후 급속하게 진행된 로컬 경관의 변화를 새롭게 해석하기 위한 틀을 만들기 위한 시론적 작업으로 이루어졌다. 틀의 토대가 될 주요 개념은 권력(power), 주체성(subjectivity), 수행성(performativity)이며, 향후 이 개념들을 보다 치밀하게 결합된 해석의 틀로 발전시킨 뒤 다양하며 역동적으로 변화한 (탈)중심화 경관의 구체적 현상을 연구하는 데 응용될 것이다. 국민국가 하에서 국가권력은 통치, 국민적 정체성, 중앙집중적 경제발전 등을 실행하기 위해 상이한 로컬의 문화 역사와 다양한 주체들의 가치를 파괴하거나 주변화 시킨다. 이는 경관을 매개로 작동하며, 경관에 나타난다. 그리고 역사의 흐름 속에서 국가 권력에 의해 형성된 경관은 로컬에서 갈등의 동인으로 작동하기도 한다. 경관은 다양한 주체들에 의해 만들어지며, 역으로 생성된 경관은 사람들의 정서, 인식, 행동에 능동적인 영향을 미친다. 이러한 경관과 주체성의 역동적 관계를 근대 이념, 국민국가, 자본주의 체제는 이성/합리성, 전체성/집단성, 이성과 감성의 분리 등에 의해 위장하거나 배제 혹은 주변화시켰다. 그리고 경관과 주체성의 관계에 관한 논의는 주체들의 저항성과 창의성에 무게를 둔다. 마지막으로 경관은 선험적으로 혹은 객관적으로 표현되는 개념 혹은 주체의 감성과 인지와 분리될 수 있는 물체(혹은 객체)가 아니라 상이한 주체들과의 수행적 관계 속에서 해석되어야 한다. 수행성은 경관의 물질성, 권력, 주체성을 결합시킬 뿐만 아니라 경관 자체의 능동적 역할을 이해하는 데도 중요한 역할을 할 것이다.

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관계적 공간에서 결혼 이주 여성의 삶 (Married Immigrant Women's Life in Relational Spaces)

  • 박규택
    • 한국지역지리학회지
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    • 제19권2호
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    • pp.203-222
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    • 2013
  • 본 연구는 두 가지 목적 하에서 수행되었다. 하나는 결혼 이주 여성이 가족, 이웃, 친구, 조직, 국가와 관계하면서 겪는 갈등, 차별, 저항 등을 구체적으로 탐색하는 것이다. 다른 하나는 결혼 이주 여성과 가족을 새로운 시각, 즉 초국가(국경을 초월한 로컬과 로컬의 관계), 로컬, 국가와의 관계적 공간으로 설명하는 데 있다. 연구 결과는 세 가지로 요약될 수 있다. 첫째는 국제결혼에 의해 초국가적 공간이 형성되며, 생성된 공간은 결혼 이주 여성의 (비)일상적 활동에 의해 유지된다. 초국가적 활동은 송금(remittance), 자녀의 양육과 교육, 친정 방문, 전화나 인터넷 등을 통한 정서적 교감 등이 포함된다. 둘째는 결혼 이주 여성이 가족, 이웃, 친구, 기관 등과 연관됨에 따라 중층적인 관계적 로컬 공간이 형성 유지되고 있다. 셋째는 결혼 이주 여성은 국적 취득과 정부(지방자치단체)의 다문화 지원 사업의 측면에서 국가 권력 혹은 정부 행정과 연관되어 있다. 국민 정체성과 관련지어 결혼 이주 여성은 모국과 한국 가운데 어디에 속하는지 구분이 불명확한 위치에 놓여 있음을 느끼는 경우도 있다.

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국력으로서의 문화력 측정지표 모형 개발 및 G20 국가들에 대한 적용 (Building A Measurement Model of Indicators of National Cultural Power as a Form of National Power and Its Application to the G20 Nations)

  • 황성돈
    • 한국IT서비스학회지
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    • 제18권3호
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    • pp.53-74
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    • 2019
  • In this paper, a theoretical measurement model for comparing cultural power of nations as a form of national power is built and applied to the G20 nations. The measurement model is drawn from the literature of the state theories regarding culture, theories of epistemology, and debates about the sources of national power. Taking the multiple indicator approach, indicators reflecting diverse aspects of cultural power are developed are developed. Examined with empirical data, this model is proved as appropriate as a tool for measuring and comparing the cultural power of nations. Diverse aspects of the cultural power of the G20 nations are ranked and interesting points regarding the state and potential of Korean culture and her cultural governance in these respects are elaborated. The overall ranking of the cultural power of Korea is found as the $11^{th}$ while the U.S., U.K. and France respectively as the $1^{st}$, the $2^{nd}$, and the $3^{rd}$. The U.S. is ranked as the 1st in all three aspects of the cultural power of nation: cultural attractiveness, efforts to enhance the national cultural power, and cultural base of a nation. Korea is ranked as $14^{th}$, $11^{th}$, and $6^{th}$ respectively in these three respects of the national cultural power. Based upon typological analysis of the cultural power of Korea, it is found that Korea belongs to Type III. Trying to move eventually toward Type I state via Type II is suggested as a strategy movement for future cultural governance by Korean government and people to enhance her national cultural power.

The Social Identity Dynamics of Soft Power Narrative Influence: Great Power Diplomatic Bargaining Leverage Amidst Complex Interdependence

  • DeDominicis, Benedict E.
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • 제10권3호
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    • pp.127-145
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    • 2022
  • Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

박은식의 국교론을 통해 본 대순사상의 민족주의적 특징 - 천지공사와 지상선인에서 나타난 개인의 주체성을 중심으로 - (The Nationalistic Charaters of Daesoon Thoughts through Pak Eun Sik's National Religion Theory)

  • 김현우
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제22권
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    • pp.317-344
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    • 2014
  • There are many modern elements in religions appeared in the early Korean modern era. From the nationalism perspective, most religions had tendencies toward anti-feudalism and anti-foreign power. Pak Eun Sik(朴殷植) emphasized the importance to explain those religions as the National Religion in his writing 《Korea Painful History(韓國痛史)》. That is, he realized those as one of Korean spirits or souls keeping Korean identities like the Jew's Judaism or the Turk's Islam. In the paper, I try to analyze religions on Kang Jeung San(姜甑山) with Daesoonjinri-hoe as the central figure from Pak's perspective. In the early Korean modern era when Kang went his own the Savior way, Korea and its society got into uncontrollable confusion because of strong demands both of a feudal-state breaking and against pillaging foreign-power especially Japan. For all countries of the world, it is difficult to change from a feudal state into the modern nation state to keep existing society order. Because the reformation under old social systems means the incomplete reformation. So in this era new religions showed the neglected class of people the vision of new society. Meanwhile Korean society try to become a modern state, and now became a recognized modern state in international society. But it is still insufficient to debate on groups and their roles for Korea modernity in that time especially new religions. Since Korea independence, new religions including Daesoonjinrihoe have not receive good reviews because of a certain religion group expansion and the government's regulation and control toward new religions. Till today, I think, Independence Movement as well as reform of modern awareness have not relatively receive reasonable reviews. So I hope to serve as a momentum that in early Korea modern era new religions receive reasonable and positive reviews.

세력균형(power balance)에서의 군사력 수준과 동북아시아에 주는 함의 (Balance of Power and the Relative Military Capacity - Empirical Analysis and Implication to North East Asia -)

  • 김명수
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권38호
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    • pp.112-162
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    • 2015
  • This study began to confirm or review the balance of power theory by applying scientific methods through experiential cases. Though there are several kinds of national power, this study supposes military power as a crucial power when it comes to war and peace. This research covered balance and imbalance through comparing relative military power between nations or nations' group. Comparison of relative military power can be achieved by statistically processing the values of which has been converted into the standard variables in same domain, then calculating the values of nation's power which has been synthesized different experiential factors. In addition, the criteria of experiential experiment is highly dedicated to European countries, USA, Japan prior to 1st and 2nd World War, as well as USA, Soviet Union and North East Asia during Cold War era. In addition, the balance of power theory has been redefined to review the action of the state upon the changes of power as mentioned in the theory. To begin with, the redefined theory states that relative level of military power between nations defines the consistency of peace and balance of power. If military power is enough to be on the range of level required to keep the power in equilibrium, peace and balance can be achieved. The opposite would unbalance the military power, causing conflicts. While the relative military level between nations change, nations seek to establish 'nations group' via military cooperation such as alliance, which also shift relative military power between nations group as well. Thus, in order to achieve balance of power, a nation seeks to strengthen its military power(self-help), while pursuing military cooperation(or alliance). This changes relative military power between nations group also. In other words, if there exists balance of power between nations, there is balance of power between nations group as well. In this theory, WWI and II broke out due to the imbalance of military force between nations and nations group, and reviewed that due to the balance of military force during the Cold War, peace was maintained. WWI was resulted from imbalance of military cooperation between two powerful states group and WWII was occurred because of the imbalance among the states. Peace was maintained from cooperation of military power and balance among the states during the Cold War. Imbalance among continental states is more threatening than maritime states and balance of power made by army force and naval force also is feasible. Also the outcomes of two variables are found military power balanced ratio of military power for balance is 67% when variable ratio of balance is 100% and standard value for balance is 0.86. Military power exists in a form of range. The range is what unstabilized the international system causing nations to supplement their military powers. These results made possible the calculation and comparison between state's military power. How balance of power inflicted war and peace has been studied through scientific reviews. Military conflict is highly possible upon already unbalanced military powers of North East Asian countries, if the US draws its power back to America. China and Japan are constantly building up their military force. On the other hand, Korean military force is inferior so in accordance to change of international situation state's survival could be threatened and it is difficult to achieve drastic increase in military force like Germany did. Especially constructing naval force demands lots of time; however but has benefit that naval force can overcome imbalance between continental states and maritime states.

지중 정보 수집을 위한 개방형 USN 플랫폼 연구 (A Development of The Open USN Platform for Underground Information Collection)

  • 신준호;송병훈
    • 한국정보통신설비학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국정보통신설비학회 2009년도 정보통신설비 학술대회
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    • pp.141-142
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    • 2009
  • Due to recent extreme weather, the information of the reliability for the nation's major social overhead capital (SOC) is emerging as a major issue. So the real-time monitoring of the underground state has become a very important. This paper is about a open USN platform for the underground information collection. Various sensors to collect information for the underground is used. The interface and the power of each sensor may vary. In order to solve the interface and power problem, this paper refer to the open interface, the network required for an open platform and the energy problem.

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케어션스타이너 교육사상의 인문적 전통 (Education of Humanistic Tendency of Kerschensteiner)

  • 김덕칠
    • 수산해양교육연구
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    • 제13권1호
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    • pp.117-131
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    • 2001
  • The character of the educational tradition of Germany could be divided into two aspects. One is the humanistic liberal tendency and the other is vocational. From the beginning of the Twentieth Century, however, there has been an attempt to unify these two trends by the . Georg Kerschensteiner is the first of importance to make some comprehensive curriculum for this goal. In Kerschensteiner, the genuine education makes the individual assume his work and role in society, and to develop them by cultivating insight, will and power. His view is well expressed in the slogn "The vocational education is the beginning of the humanistic education." His goal is to make men of independence and autonomy through vocational education. The theory of Kerschensteiner's education is called 'general vocational education'. The reason why is that his vocational education concerns not just technical training for industry, but also general liberal arts. In this point, Kerschensteiner's point of view goes back to Wilhelm von Humboldt, neo-humanist afar in the first half of the Ninteenth Century, and to John Dewey, pragmatist in the contemporary age of Kerschensteiner. Kerschensteiner was much influenced by Humboldt's concepts of power and individuality. These concepts came to be embodied as a principle of vocational education in Kerschensteiner. Furthermore, Humboldt's concept of power could be associated with Dewey's theory of reflexive thinking. The power in Humboldt is to create spirit, which is connected with the world outside through language. The reflexive thinking of Dewey is a process that examines and selects some alternative thinking in the consciousness before acting. This process makes one find the method of problem-solving which results in behaviour. That is the experimental spirit or pragmatic behaviourism. These theories are reduced to the concept of 'work' in Kerschensteiner. And Kerschensteiner's theory of education that has both sides, humanistic and vocational, is similar to that of John Dewey. Dewey brings forward the idea that the vocational education is the best way to cultivate intelligence and emotion, as intelligence operates best in the life. The position of Dewey is in accord with that of Kerschensteiner who intends to cover experiences of various fields of society through practice-learning, and to have knowledge got from outside of school, refuting the misled trend of education isolated from real life. However, there is some difference between Kerschensteiner and Humbolt or Dewey. While the Neo-humanism of Humbolt and the pragmatic education of Dewey put emphasis rather on the liberal arts and culture of individuality, Kerschensteiner is concerned more with the work and life of the reality of society as a group. Kerschensteiner's concept of utility is related to education for the whole man and to the work of the individual and the nation as well as the will and power to practice it. The ideal man of utility of Kerschensteiner is to learn perfectly the value and behaviour of society through vocational life and to have right view of the state establishing a sound mutual relation between individual and state. Kerschensteiner is regarded as a devotee of 'the state of harmony' or 'the ideal of the state', as he makes the state as the criterion for defining the role of the individual. It can be said that Kerschensteiner is not a democrat of the American style as Dewey is, as he makes much of the value of the nation and state. However, he is a humanist and democrat in the point of vocational education. His purpose of education is to make whole men through work and vocational education.

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記憶とパワーのジェンダーポリティックス: 東アジアの国際関係において日本の平和憲法と慰安部問題の意味づけ (Gendered Politics of Memory and Power: Making Sense of Japan's Peace Constitution and the Comfort Women in East Asian International Relations)

  • 金泰柱;李洪千
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권2호
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    • pp.163-202
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    • 2020
  • This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

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현대 한국미술과 민족주의란 두 개의 얼굴 (Dual Faces of Nationalism reflected in Contemporary Korean Art and Society)

  • 최태만
    • 미술이론과 현장
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    • 제4호
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    • pp.145-180
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    • 2006
  • In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

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