• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.199-235
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• 2018

Most of the new religions derived from Jeungsan have claimed that Jeungsan's religious thought reproduced Dangun [檀君] Thought in its original form. However, Daesoon Jinrihoe is the only religious order out of the many new religions within the Jeungsan lineage, which has constantly kept its distance from Dangun Thought since 1909 during the earliest period of proto-Daesoon Jinrihoe. Even a mere trace of Dangun cannot be found in the subject of faith or the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In this context, this study aims to examine possible connections between Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought in order to determine why other Jeungsanist religions frequently exhibit Dangunist features. Specifically, a major part of this study will be devoted to comparing and analyzing the narrative structure of Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought as well as their respective motifs. In fact, Jeungsan does not seem to have ever mentioned Dangun in his recorded teachings, therefore, after his passing into the Heaven, most of the religious orders including Daesoon Jinrihoe derived from him did not pay any attention to Dangun Thought for almost for 40 years. These orders did not originally perceive Dangun as an object of belief. After Korea's liberation, Dangun became widely accepted as a pivotal role among the Korean people. As Dangun-nationalism claimed to unify Koreans as one great Korean ethnic society, the religious orders of Jeungsan lineage also climbed aboard this creed and their faiths or doctrines were acculturated to reflect this change. The reason for this has been attributed to following modern trends to increase success in propagation. In the meantime, Daesoon Jinrihoe was the only order that did not accept Dangun-nationalism because it was not a teaching given by the order's founder. And the two systems of thought have more dissimilarity than parallelism in terms of philosophical ideology. These seem to be the main reasons why Daesoon Jinrihoe did not adopt Dangun into its doctrine or belief system.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.1-18
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• 2022

This study was conducted to prove that the service philosophy is the development principle of human society in the service age. From ancient times to the present, the service philosophy was tried to show the wisdom of the development of human society in all earth spaces including the East and the West. In addition, it tried to prove that the service philosophy was at the center of the development wisdom of many countries and individuals who flickered on all space on earth and all human time. The study showed that the differences between countries were in software rather than hardware. Furthermore, it was analyzed that countries with a service philosophy embedded in the center of software such as spirit and culture made a great contribution to human society. The cases of Greece and Rome, the Republic of Venice, the Republic of the Netherlands, followed by the United States and modern Korea prove this, and the Soviet Union can be seen to disprove it. The former was a society in which state-run software was strong, and the latter was a society in which hardware was strong. There is a big difference between the case of the state, which citizens have autonomously organized and operated, and the case of the upper-level state-led operation. Since the leadership of the upper classes is not based on the service philosophy, the accumulated software power is weak, so it can be said that the accumulation of wisdom in human society is weak. Therefore, while the essence of human society so far has been a society of self-centered animal ecosystems led by selfishness, the human society in the service age from now on can be said to be a society of plant ecosystems where mutual respect and self-centeredness coexist. Just as the society centered on the service philosophy in the past human society prospered and left a greater legacy to mankind, it is suggested that the human society in the future service era should be a human society of a plant ecosystem centered on the service philosophy. Further in-depth studies related to this are needed in the future.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.159-169
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• 2023

This study analyzed the factors affecting the opinions of life-sustaining treatment among the elderly in Korea. The study subjects were 10,097 people who responded to the survey on the condition of the elderly (2020), and using the SPSS 25.0 program, first, the demographic characteristics of the research subjects were identified through descriptive statistics and the average and normality of major variables were identified. Second, the chi-square was analyzed by conducting a cross-analysis of opinions on life-sustaining treatment according to the characteristics of the elderly. Third, a correlation analysis was performed to analyze the correlation between major variables. Fourth, the relative influence on the life-sustaining treatment of the elderly was identified through multiple regression analysis. The main research findings are as follows. First, 8,565 (84.8%) of the elderly were opposed to medical treatment (life-sustaining treatment) to save them even if they were unconscious or difficult to live. Second, as a result of cross-analysis on life-sustaining treatment for the elderly, the 𝑥² values of education level, health status, living together with children, and cost of living in old age were found to be significant. Third, the educational level of the elderly, living together with children, and the cost of living in old age were found to have statistically significant negative effects on life-sustaining treatment. Such research results indicate that the elderly with a high level of education oppose life-sustaining treatment compared to those with a low level of education. In addition, in the case of the elderly with traditional values who responded that one of their children should live with the elderly (parents), the ratio of people in favor of life-sustaining treatment was high, and in the case of the elderly with modern values who responded that they did not have to live together, the ratio of opposition to life-sustaining treatment was high. appeared to be high. In addition, in the case of the elderly with traditional values who responded that the burden of living expenses in old age should be shared between the state and society and their children, the proportion in favor of life-sustaining treatment was high. This high figure expressed the desire for well-dying. Based on these research results, the value system was re-examined as a factor influencing the elderly's opinion on life-sustaining treatment, and basic data for welfare policies for the elderly were provided.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.9-40
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• 2019

This study presents an investigation into South Korean films in the 1990s in the aspects of genre change and emotional reorganization. The 1990s witnessed a change of genres and a paradigm shift in the history of Korean films according to the revolutionary changes of the film industry structure and media environment. Believing that these changes had something to do with emotional changes driven by global capitalization symbolized by democratization in 1987 and the foreign currency crisis in 1998, the investigator analyzed the phenomena in film texts and examined the opportunities and context behind them. Unlike previous researches, this study made an approach to the history of Korean films in the 1990s with three points: first, this study focused on why the romantic comedy genre emerged in the 1990s and what stages its formation underwent since there had been no profound discussions about them; secondly, this study analyzed the biggest hits during the transitional period from 1987~1999 to figure out the mainstream genres and emotions during that period since these hits would provide texts to show the genre domain and public taste in a symbolic way; and finally, this study grew out of the separate investigation approach between melodramas and romantic comedies and looked into an emotional structure to encompass both genres to make a more broad and dynamic approach to South Korean films in the 1990s. History flows continuously without severance from previous times. When there is attention paid to inflection points and opportunities in the continuum, it can show the dynamics and structures of changes. This research led to the following conclusions: the mainstream genre of South Korean films had been melodramas until the 1980s. The old convention had been kept to offset or suture contradictions and excessive elements deviant from the structural consistency. Here, the structural consistency refers to no compliance to rational regulations or trade. The process of genre reorganization in the 1990s happened while securing some distance from the convention of making the structural consistency a sacrifice. The direction was to reinforce control through reasonable rationalism and logic of capital. It developed into romance, which would start with comedy to keep distance from the objects through laughter, heighten the level of remarks, and expand criticality, symbolize emotions with taste items, and build through the logic of mutual consensus and practical trade. In the 1990s, the South Korean films thus developed in a direction of moving away from the narrative of urgent pathos based on unconditional familism. It was on the same track as the entry of the South Korean society into the upgraded orbits of democracy and capitalism as the twins of modern rationalism since the latter part of the 1980s.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.217-247
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• 2019

This research paper intends to examine the intertextuality of Klaus Mann's novel Mephisto (1936) and István Szabó's film Mephisto (1981) and how the derivative contents (i.e., film) accepted and improved the schematic aesthetics of conviction in original contents (i.e., novel). In general, the aesthetics of conviction is applied to criticize the state socialism of the artists of the Third Reich or the ideology of the artists of East Germany from a biased ethical perspective. Mephisto is also based on the aesthetics of conviction. Thus, it would be meaningful to examine the characteristic similarity and difference between Klaus Mann's real antagonist (i.e., Gustaf Gründgens) and fictional antagonist (i.e., Hendrik Höfgen) from a historical critical perspective. In this process, an aesthetic distance between the real and fictional antagonists would be secured through the internal criticism in terms of intertextuality. In this respect, the film aesthetics of István Szabó are deemed to overcome the schematic limit of the original novel. The conviction in both the novel and film of Mephisto pertains to the belief and stance of a person who compromised with the state socialism of Nazi Germany, i.e., succumbed to the irresistible history. Klaus Mann denounced Mephisto's character Höfgen (i.e., Gründgens in reality) as an "Mephisto with evil spirits" from the perspective of exile literature. For such denunciation, Klaus Mann used various means such as satire, caricature, sarcasm, parody and irony. However, his novel is devoid of introspection and "utopianism", and thus could be considered to allow personal rights to be disregarded by the freedom of art. On the contrary, István Szabó employed the two different types of evil (evil of Mephisto and evil of Faust) from a dualistic perspective (instead of a dichotomous perspective of good and evil) by expressing the character of Höfgen like both Mephisto and Hamlet (i.e., "Faust with both good and evil spirits). However, Szabó did not present the mixed character of "Mephisto and Hamlet (Faust)" only as an object of pity. Rather, Szabó called for social responsibility by showing a much more tragic end. As such, the novel Mephisto is more like the biography of an individual, and the film Mephisto is more like the biography of a generation. The aesthetics of conviction of Mephisto appears to overcome biased historical and textual perspectives through the irony of intertextuality between the novel and the film. Even if history is an irresistible "fate" to an individual, human dignity cannot be denied because it is the "value of life". The issue of conviction is not only limited to the times of Nazi Germany. It can also be raised with the ideology of the modern and contemporary history of Korea. History is so deeply rooted that it should not be criticized merely from a dichotomous perspective. When it comes to the relationship between history and individual life, a neutral point of view is required. Hopefully, this research paper will provide readers with a significant opportunity for finding out their "inner Mephisto" and "inner Hamlet."

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.581-587
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• 2022

The water god, Venerable Bhadra, Indian Tammola (Tamla as the 'mol' and 'ju' characters were eliminated) came to Tamla with 900 Arahants(The highest Buddhist monks) around 563-483 BC. It is the propagation of Buddhism through the world's most sacred water (Heiligkeit). The traces of the three surnames of Goyangbu are the first samsunghyeol and the dwelling of the den of Jonjaam(cave of venerable Bhadra) in Yeongsil, giving a glimpse into the era of living in caves. The second is a link that is in line with 3, the basic number in the decomposition of 900 (=3^*3^*100) disciples of Bhadra, considering that 3 and 3 of the three surnames in Goyangbu are three times 9. At this time, 3 is the person of heaven and earth, religiously, marriage, hope, or complete number, and Jeju culture is resting everywhere. For example, 3 of the samsunghyeol, 3 of the 1, 2, 3 Dodong, 3 of the 3 Dado, 3 of the 3 Mudo, 3 of the 3 disasters, 3 of the Goyangbu 3-surnames, 3 of the house Olle Jeongnang and, among 900 (=3^*3^*100) disciples of Venerable Bhadra, the common factor is 3. It is the 'island of 3'. These papers consist of 1 and 2 parts. In Part 1, the name of Tamla came from Tammola, India, and 900 Indian Buddhist Arahants estimated that the three surnames in Goyangbu were the ancestors. Part 2 highlights how the basic principle of jeonganag derived from Indian customs has evolved and is being used in modern mobile communication and DNA gene life science.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.46-59
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• 2023

Various Baekje ground-level building sites have been identified, in Pungnaptoseong Fortress, including Mirae Village's site E-1. However, building site E-1 is the only one with excavated roof tiles that are directly connected to the building site. As for building sites E-2, D-1, and D-2, which are comparable to site E-1, it is very possible that they had tiles on the roof based on their jeoksim (blocking facilities for roof slopes) and building structures. Also, although they are semi-underground pit structures, pit building sites A-30 and modern apartment site A-5, as well as the No.44 remains of Gyeongdang District, which is closer to a ground-level type, the buildings with tiles may have been constructed in the form of partial tile roofs rather than full-face tile roofs. Therefore, there may be several reasons behind the use of tiles on roofs in the early days, but the primary background of the building's authoritative function would have been considered first. Considering that China and Japan started using tiles on nationally important buildings such as palaces, temples, and ritual buildings, it may be presumed that Baekje began using tiles from the time it centralized power. It is believed that Baekje's early roof tile buildings evolved from rudimentary residential architecture to advanced public architecture, taking into consideration fire prevention and structural stability in large buildings. It is difficult to find similar cases in Korea with structural features such as the elevated foundations or underground stone foundations that can be found in Mirae Village building site E-1. Rather, similar architectural techniques can be found in China and Japan. In China, similar construction techniques were discovered in buildings of worship that were primarily built in the palace surroundings, such as Jangan Castle. Based on this, it appears that roof tile building sites, such as site E-1, that have been discovered have a strong correlation with the characteristics of buildings of worship, and ground type buildings, such as sites D-1 and D-2, are important facilities that are related to important public facilities such as state-run warehouses. This provides many implications regarding the early Baekje city structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.94-108
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• 2023

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.37-47
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• 2024

Currently, social interest in post-cremation funerals is growing due to the establishment of cremation culture. In addition, as awareness of nature-friendly funeral methods spreads in modern times, the demand for tree burial grounds and tree groves, which are representative natural burial methods, is increasing. However, if the current method of relying on trees is used, the forest burial may damage the forest and turn it into another cemetery. The tree decoration is a funeral method that contains the temporal meaning of humans returning to the space of nature that we have, and the philosophical meaning that humans return in compliance with nature. Like this, there are quite a few concerns. Even though tree burials are not the traditional burial facilities we are familiar with, many of the facilities and operating systems adopt the standards of park cemeteries and have stricter standards and restrictions than natural burials under the law. This rigidity is intended to preserve the forest, but the reality is that it limits the expansion and operation of tree plantations. To this end, this study seeks to find specific improvement measures for sustainable tree plantation operation. To this end, we look at the types of natural fields in foreign countries and find directions for tree planting that can be effectively applied and established in accordance with the sentiments of the people. Specific improvement measures include an enshrinement method that does not rely on memorial trees, the operation of anonymous or anonymous tree planting, a change in the method of visiting and commemorating, and various mountaineering methods, thereby suggesting alternatives to sustainable tree planting in Korea. The place where tree planting is implemented is the forest, that is, the forest itself. I should be a place where the spirit of natural return, which is the essence of the deceased, can be celebrated through the forest, not a funeral facility. By doing so, it will be possible to provide the public value of the forest, that is, the social function of the forest, in the name of an eco-friendly funeral service.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.41-155
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• 2024

Among the records that attest to the period from July to August of 1863, when Suwun was believed to have transmitted the orthodox lineage to Haewol, the oldest documents are The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works (水雲文集), The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works (大先生主文集), and The Records of Dao Origin of Master Choe's Literary Collection (崔先生文集道源記書, hereafter referred to as The Records of Dao Origin). The records regarding Suwun in these three documents are considered to have originated from the same context. The variances embedded in the three documents have led to arguments about which documents accurately reflect the fact of orthodox lineage transmission. Additionally, these variances highlight the necessity of a review regarding the characteristics of early Eastern Learning, such as its faith and organizational systems. Accordingly, by thoroughly examining these three documents, it is possible to elucidate the chronological order, establishment-date, accuracy, descriptive direction, and characteristics of the faith system of early Eastern Learning as these are reflected in each document. If successful, this examination would provide a clearer description of the developmental process of Eastern Learning from 1860 to 1880, facilitating a more in-depth analysis of the significance embedded in various forms of discourse on the movement's orthodox lineage transmission. In comparing the three documents and contrasting them with related sources, the results of the textual examination assert that the documents within the lineage of The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works, given they lack a clear record of the event regarding Haewol's orthodox lineage succession, may be the first draft of The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin, as these texts distinctly include that record. This reflects that Haewol's succession was not precisely recognized within and outside of the Eastern Learning order until the time when The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin were published. This is further attested to by the fact that during the late 1870s, when various Yeonwon (fountainhead) factions of Eastern Learning began to converge around Haewol, and his Yeonwon became the largest organization within Eastern Learning. At that point, the order's doctrine was reinterpreted, and its organization was reestablished. In this regard, it is necessary to view Eastern Learning after Suwun-especially the orthodox lineage transmission to Haewol-from a perspective that considers it more as competing forms of discourse than as a historical fact. This view enables a new perspective on Haewol's Eastern Learning, which forms a distinct layer from Suwun's, shedding light on the relationship between Haewol and the new religious movements in modern-day Korea.