• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.191-210
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• 2016

While general belief is that the military alliances are stable and rigid, the authors argue that the states are far more flexible in their behavior and often act against their alliances. This paper looks at states' behavior in the UN GA and looks how it is reflected in participation in military alliances during three periods of history since 1976 to this day. The authors illustrate the need to consider the network representation of co-sponsoring groups in General Assembly votes. They find significant support for their argument, indicating that social aspects can be extended beyond alliances. An application of social network analysis shows some unexpected affiliations in UN GA. If the UN GA is the "true" nature of these countries' alliance strategies, then it might suggest some significant defections and interesting association.

• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.318-346
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• 2017

Currently, security environmental instability is getting worse than ever in the East Asia including to Republic of Korea(ROK). Unlike several conventional issues such as maritime dispute -sometimes with islands- and competitions for getting natural resources, contemporary security dilemma issues followed by arms races among states deepens the power gap between strong and weak state within the region. It is notable that the arms races is the East Asia are mainly focused on naval power. As navy is the very possible force that influences neighboring states, submarine power is usually valued for its nature of stealth, mobile and aggression. Moreover, the submarine power is believed to be one of the highest valued weapon system since it shows actual effectiveness for influencing the other states while avoiding direct military conflicts compared to surface power. As a result, all states within the region are accelerating for getting such power these days. Japan, Most of all, is one of the leading state that aims to ensure self-survival and enlarge military influences under the US-Japan alliance by decisively supporting its power to the American containment strategy against China. In this regard, such movement surely sill influence on ROK both directly and indirectly as we sue the common field, the sea. Though, it has lots of restrictions for us to confront them with military forces as such confrontations within US-led alliances is not desirable upon considering current China and nK threats. As a result, ROK needs to limit the realm of alliance within the region while maintaining ROK-US alliance for getting national interests with both legal and justice superiority against Japan. This paper, as a result, is focused on suggesting the way to utilize submarines as a mean of naval power for both current security environments and the rising maritime threats in the East Asia. I concluded to participate ROK submarines in US-led military strategy against China by dispatching them into the East-China Sea and the North-East area of the Korean peninsula to protect both national interests and justice at the same tome. It should be one of the preemptive measure for confronting with neighboring states by utilizing strategic benefits of submarines while strengthening ROK-US alliances upon participating American Containment Strategy against China.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권9호
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• pp.189-194
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• 2022

The formation of a new world order is primarily caused by new conditions and military operations on the European continent. The intensification of military-political tension led to the formation of new centers of power and gravity, which in turn led to the concentration of weapons and general militarization. Changes in the world order as a result of military conflicts and an increase in hot spots in the world, an increase in threats and the formation of centers of military gravity, the inability of existing institutions to resolve the situation lead to the need to develop new security mechanisms. Studies show that in the current situation, the countries of the Baltic countries are especially actively increasing their level of technologization of the army and militarization in general. The creation of any alliance is always conditioned by the presence of external threats. Naturally, the increase in the number of threats creates preconditions for the development of new forms of cooperation within existing military alliances. It seems obvious that due to the current situation in the context of the military conflict and military aggression of Russia in Ukraine, as well as its constant threats, including to the Baltic countries, there is a need to form a certain alliance that can protect the eastern border of Europe and form a certain border between European countries and aggressor countries. The Baltic countries are actively involved in these processes, in addition, it is the Baltic countries that can enter the new military alliance proposed by Britain, which will unite Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic countries and, possibly, Great Britain.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권9호
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• pp.191-206
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• 2011

This study is presented a scheme that information security research institutions located within the central area can be participated actively m national defense information security industry. The many of information security company are located in the central region(Daejeon) and there are many research institutes. However, the participation rate of the Defense Information Security Industry is not high compared to other provinces. Although a variety of reasons, there are no the Defense Privacy Office that could have a role in protocol and the information about the industry. In addition, the Department of Defense related to national defense information security industry have not information about research institutions in the central region and are not well to identify the characteristics of institutional technology and research. So in this paper we presented some of the alternatives. 1) Building Pool involved in information security research according to the characteristics of each agency 2) Constitute the research community between Research institutions and the company 3) Build the technology cooperation between research institutions and the defense research institutes 4) Utilization of industry/university/research institutes related to Information Security Industry 5) Make strategic alliances among research institutes based on technical expertise.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• 해양안보
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

본 연구는 현실주의의 대표적 이론인 세력균형이론을 기초로 군사력을 국가의 핵심 힘으로 전제하여 동북아시아의 힘의 분포를 살펴본다. 이전 세력균형과 군사력 수준에 관한 연구결과를 고찰하고, 그 연구한 결과를 활용하여 2020년까지 미국, 중국, 러시아, 일본, 한국과 북한의 힘의 변화를 분석하여 2030년경 안보환경을 전망하여 본다. 세력균형이론에서 국가(nation)나 국가군(a group of power) 간에 힘의 균형이 무너지면 전쟁 가능성이 높고, 그 불확실성과 불신이 높은 국제사회에서 생존과 안전을 확보하기 위하여 국가는 힘의 증강(자조, self-help)과 더불어 협력(cooperation)과 동맹(alliance)을 더욱 강화하는 행동을 한다고 본다. 동북아시아의 국가들도 자국의 군사력을 지속 증강하고 있으며, 특히 중국의 급속한 부상으로 국제 안보환경의 급격한 변화에 주변 국가들은 촉각을 세우고 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 중국은 2030년대 중국 창군 100주년과 더불어 '국방 및 군현대화'를 실현하고, 2050년대 건국 100주년에 '세계일류군대건설'을 목표로 하고 있다. 그리고 미국은 국제사회의 협력과 동맹 강화 등 중국 견제에 분주하다. 미국과 중국이 패권경쟁이 진행되고 있는 상황에서 동북아시아의 안보환경과 힘의 역학관계도 서서히 변하고 있다. 세력균형이론에 기초하여 2030년 이후 동북아시아의 힘의 분포 변화와 함의를 살펴보고자 한다.

• 한국복식학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국복식학회 2003년도 International Costume Conference
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• pp.77-77
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• 2003

If we look closely to the power shift of the powerful countries historically. during the 16th century Spain's power came from gold, colony trade, the mercenary force, close relation with the thrown, 17th century Netherlands owes their power to trade, capital market, the marines, 18th century France owes it to population, agriculture, public administration, and the army. Also, England had their industry, political unity, finance and trust, the marines, liberalistic principles, a geographical merit of being an island which can be defended well and the 20th century America has their cosmopolitan culture, supernational communication, the capacity of the economy, science technology, military strength, alliances, liberalism international formation. But in the 21st century culture and art will prevail over the information age where technology and knowledge was the key, and it is predicted that this will be the source of power for a strong country. Rolfe Yesson, the head of The Copenhagen Research Center for future studies said, "Information age has ended and in the future Dream Society will arrive which focuses on making distinctions by delivering dreams and emotions to consumers". As cyberspace gradually substitutes reality, cyberspace has become more than an information search engine and has become a place where people fulfill their desires and exchange culture. And as a medium for diffusing culture, the importance of the digital dress-up avatar is predicted to increase gradually.gradually.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.25-29
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• 2024

NATO는 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 이후 그동안 유지해오던 평화유지 전략에서 탈피하고 다자안보협의체 강화, 전략적 안정성 추구, 군비 확충, 협력안보 및 인도-태평양 지역까지 대화·협력을 강화할 것을 천명하였다. NATO의전략 변화는 직·간접적으로 한국의 안보환경에 영향을 미친다. 이를 명확히 분석하고 대응할 수 있는 정책 및 전략을수립해야 위협을 억제하고 국가이익을 보호할 수 있다. NATO는 중국과 러시아를 위협으로 명시하고 있다. 우리는NATO와 협력과 연대를 기회로 삼아 소다자 안보협력 및 동맹 강화, 방산시장 개척 및 확대, 우크라이나 재건사업참여 기회 확대를 얻을 수 있을 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.81-91
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• 2021

본 연구의 목적은 전쟁이론 관점에서의 COVID-19를 분석하고, 이를 극복할 수 있는 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 전쟁이 국제적인 상황에 따라 그 패러다임과 국가 위기관리 시스템을 변화시키는 것과 마찬가지로 최근의 COVID-19도 언택트 문화를 특성으로 하는 New Normal의 시대를 야기하고 있다. COVID-19와 관련된 학술적 연구가 주로 의학, 관광, 경제적인 분야에 초점이 맞추어졌지만, 군사학이나 전쟁이론 측면에서의 연구는 미진한 형편이다. COVID-19가 국가의 생명과 재산상에 막대한 위협을 주고 있기 때문에 전쟁이론 측면에서 COVID-19를 극복해야 할 적으로 간주 할 수 있으며, 전쟁이론 중에 전쟁의 속성과 양상, 승리요인 측면에서 현 COVID-19 상황에 대해 분석이 이루어진다. 정석적 분석 및 설문을 통한 정량적 결과 COVID-19는 전쟁의 속성 및 양상 측면에서 실제 전쟁과 매우 유사한 점이 존재하기 때문에 과거 전쟁의 승리요인을 바탕으로 COVID-19의 효과적인 극복 방안을 도출할 수 있다. 또한 분석적계층과정(AHP)을 통한 극복요인의 우선순위를 분석한 결과 명확한 목표와 동맹관계 확립이 COVID-19를 성공적으로 극복하기 위한 우선 시 되어야 함을 알 수 있다.