• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.191-210
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• 2016

While general belief is that the military alliances are stable and rigid, the authors argue that the states are far more flexible in their behavior and often act against their alliances. This paper looks at states' behavior in the UN GA and looks how it is reflected in participation in military alliances during three periods of history since 1976 to this day. The authors illustrate the need to consider the network representation of co-sponsoring groups in General Assembly votes. They find significant support for their argument, indicating that social aspects can be extended beyond alliances. An application of social network analysis shows some unexpected affiliations in UN GA. If the UN GA is the "true" nature of these countries' alliance strategies, then it might suggest some significant defections and interesting association.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.318-346
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• 2017

Currently, security environmental instability is getting worse than ever in the East Asia including to Republic of Korea(ROK). Unlike several conventional issues such as maritime dispute -sometimes with islands- and competitions for getting natural resources, contemporary security dilemma issues followed by arms races among states deepens the power gap between strong and weak state within the region. It is notable that the arms races is the East Asia are mainly focused on naval power. As navy is the very possible force that influences neighboring states, submarine power is usually valued for its nature of stealth, mobile and aggression. Moreover, the submarine power is believed to be one of the highest valued weapon system since it shows actual effectiveness for influencing the other states while avoiding direct military conflicts compared to surface power. As a result, all states within the region are accelerating for getting such power these days. Japan, Most of all, is one of the leading state that aims to ensure self-survival and enlarge military influences under the US-Japan alliance by decisively supporting its power to the American containment strategy against China. In this regard, such movement surely sill influence on ROK both directly and indirectly as we sue the common field, the sea. Though, it has lots of restrictions for us to confront them with military forces as such confrontations within US-led alliances is not desirable upon considering current China and nK threats. As a result, ROK needs to limit the realm of alliance within the region while maintaining ROK-US alliance for getting national interests with both legal and justice superiority against Japan. This paper, as a result, is focused on suggesting the way to utilize submarines as a mean of naval power for both current security environments and the rising maritime threats in the East Asia. I concluded to participate ROK submarines in US-led military strategy against China by dispatching them into the East-China Sea and the North-East area of the Korean peninsula to protect both national interests and justice at the same tome. It should be one of the preemptive measure for confronting with neighboring states by utilizing strategic benefits of submarines while strengthening ROK-US alliances upon participating American Containment Strategy against China.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.189-194
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• 2022

The formation of a new world order is primarily caused by new conditions and military operations on the European continent. The intensification of military-political tension led to the formation of new centers of power and gravity, which in turn led to the concentration of weapons and general militarization. Changes in the world order as a result of military conflicts and an increase in hot spots in the world, an increase in threats and the formation of centers of military gravity, the inability of existing institutions to resolve the situation lead to the need to develop new security mechanisms. Studies show that in the current situation, the countries of the Baltic countries are especially actively increasing their level of technologization of the army and militarization in general. The creation of any alliance is always conditioned by the presence of external threats. Naturally, the increase in the number of threats creates preconditions for the development of new forms of cooperation within existing military alliances. It seems obvious that due to the current situation in the context of the military conflict and military aggression of Russia in Ukraine, as well as its constant threats, including to the Baltic countries, there is a need to form a certain alliance that can protect the eastern border of Europe and form a certain border between European countries and aggressor countries. The Baltic countries are actively involved in these processes, in addition, it is the Baltic countries that can enter the new military alliance proposed by Britain, which will unite Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic countries and, possibly, Great Britain.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.9
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• pp.191-206
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• 2011

This study is presented a scheme that information security research institutions located within the central area can be participated actively m national defense information security industry. The many of information security company are located in the central region(Daejeon) and there are many research institutes. However, the participation rate of the Defense Information Security Industry is not high compared to other provinces. Although a variety of reasons, there are no the Defense Privacy Office that could have a role in protocol and the information about the industry. In addition, the Department of Defense related to national defense information security industry have not information about research institutions in the central region and are not well to identify the characteristics of institutional technology and research. So in this paper we presented some of the alternatives. 1) Building Pool involved in information security research according to the characteristics of each agency 2) Constitute the research community between Research institutions and the company 3) Build the technology cooperation between research institutions and the defense research institutes 4) Utilization of industry/university/research institutes related to Information Security Industry 5) Make strategic alliances among research institutes based on technical expertise.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.77-77
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• 2003

If we look closely to the power shift of the powerful countries historically. during the 16th century Spain's power came from gold, colony trade, the mercenary force, close relation with the thrown, 17th century Netherlands owes their power to trade, capital market, the marines, 18th century France owes it to population, agriculture, public administration, and the army. Also, England had their industry, political unity, finance and trust, the marines, liberalistic principles, a geographical merit of being an island which can be defended well and the 20th century America has their cosmopolitan culture, supernational communication, the capacity of the economy, science technology, military strength, alliances, liberalism international formation. But in the 21st century culture and art will prevail over the information age where technology and knowledge was the key, and it is predicted that this will be the source of power for a strong country. Rolfe Yesson, the head of The Copenhagen Research Center for future studies said, "Information age has ended and in the future Dream Society will arrive which focuses on making distinctions by delivering dreams and emotions to consumers". As cyberspace gradually substitutes reality, cyberspace has become more than an information search engine and has become a place where people fulfill their desires and exchange culture. And as a medium for diffusing culture, the importance of the digital dress-up avatar is predicted to increase gradually.gradually.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.25-29
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• 2024

After the Russia-Ukraine War, NATO broke away from the peacekeeping strategy that it had maintained and declared that it would strengthen the multilateral security consultative body, pursue strategic stability, expand armaments, cooperate security, and strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Changes in NATO's strategy directly and indirectly affect Korea's security environment. Only by clearly analyzing this and establishing policies and strategies to respond to it can the threat be suppressed and national interests protected. NATO designates China and Russia as threats. By using cooperation and solidarity with NATO as an opportunity, we will be able to strengthen security cooperation and alliances, develop and expand the defense industry market, and expand opportunities to participate in the Ukraine reconstruction project.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.81-91
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine COVID-19 situation in temrs of war-theory and to find out ways to overcome it. Just as the war changes the paradigm in the international situation and the national crisis management system, the current COVID-19 pandemic is bringing about the entry of the so-called "New Normal" era having the characteristics including untact culture. Although academic research on COVID-19 is mainly dealt with in terms of medical, tourism, and economics, the military research has not yet begun from the perspective of military science or war theory. In the concept of a comprehensive crisis that COVID-19 can cause enormous damage to the life and property of a country, it can be regarded as a target or enemy to be overcome. Among various war theories, the similarities with COVID-19 incident are analyzed in terms of the nature and aspect of the war and the factors of victory. Qualitative and questionnaire analysis results show that the COVID-19 outbreak is very similar to war when considering a variety of war-characteristics. In addition this research proposes ways to overcome COVID-19 based on the victorious factors of the past war, and predicts the impact of the international community after the end of COVID-19 pandemic. As a result of analyzing the priority of overcoming factors through the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) shows that clear goals and establishment of alliances should be prioritized for successfully overcoming COVID-19.