• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.327-345
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• 2012

This paper explores how gender, sexuality, momism and national security are intertwined in the POW fictions of the Korean War, revealing the blurred demarcation line of the private and the public during the Cold War era. Works such as Night and Valley of Fire reveal the weakened manhood of the soldiers who were brainwashed or easily succumbed to the enemy during their imprisonment. The novels commonly attribute their weakness to materialism and spiritual corruption prevalent in the society, in addition to mass media including TV. Moreover, a social critic like Phillip Wily provokes the polemical idea of "Momism" which was ardently circulated among some male circles. In Manchurian Candidate, momism is integrated into incest and homosexuality, epitomized by Raymond and his mother. The novel illustrates how momism can be dangerous to national security and devastate the growth of manhood. Mrs. Iselin, a masculinized middle-aged woman, becomes a 'monster' whose overweening desire for power overrides any maternal concern for her son. Such 'monstrosity' exposes the danger of a woman who can castrate a man and manipulate a society. To a certain extent, the same tendency can be found in Turncoat and Night. Both novels reveal how the love of mother brings detrimental impact on boys who become prey to the communist's brainwashing in the POW camps. In short, the POW novels betray society's patriarchal concerns with women's emerging power threatening its ideology.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 2017

This essay investigates how the industrialization of the US food system was closely linked to US foreign policy, gender issues, and the rise of consumerism in the Cold War era. While many scholars in American studies and women's studies over the past few decades have paid increasing attention to the interrelationship of gender politics and the media industry in shaping US domesticity, they have seldom studied how and why reading gender issues in relation to environmental discourse in general and the industrialized US food system in particular can help us better understand the complex relationship between environmental and social problems that we are facing today, both collectively and individually. In this context, this essay shows how US national politics have not only created the ideal of American domesticity that promotes traditional gender roles and consumerism at the expense of gender equality, but also negatively affected women's somatic and mental health writ large. By closely examining the cultural implications of Nixon's and Khrushchev's Kitchen Debate in the 1950s alongside newspapers, photographs, advertisements, and Sylvia Plath's The Bell Jar (1963), I argue that reading Cold War consumer culture in relation to the US food system leads readers to see the invisible links between gender politics and today's environmental and social problems in comparative and global contexts.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.1
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• pp.71-111
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• 2003

The key lessons of the very complex modern war can be dangerously misleading to the outsiders. The efforts trying to draw lessons learned from the Iraq War (OIF : Operation Iraqi Freedom) may be biased by the view of point by Americans, because most of war episodes have been come from the Western media coverage. More serious bias can be committed thanks to the differences of warfighting doctrines and military technology between US forces and ROK forces. However, OIF-fought allied commanders and outside military experts said this campaign exemplified 21st-century warfare: swift, agile and decisive, employing overpowering technology to bring relentless violence to bear in many places at once. Even though the campaign evolved differently than anticipated, allied forces regrouped and regained the initiative remarkably quickly, thanks in large part to a new command flexibility, tied to new technology that made possible the more rapid sharing of data. These factors permitted "new air-land dynamic". The things that compel that are good sensors networked with good intelligence disseminated through a robust networking system, which then yields speed. Speed turns out to be a very important factor for conducting "Rapid Decisive Operations" relied on joint "Mass of Effects". ROK forces facing the heaviest ground threat in the world may learn more from Cold War era-typed US Army 3rd Infantry Division (3ID), which operating considerably beyond existing doctrine. 3ID flew its personnel into Kuwait to meet up with equipment already located in the region as pre-positioned stock. During OIF, the division conducted continuous offensive operations over 230km deep battlespace for 21 days. The lessons learned for ROK army to prepare tomorrow's war may be found from 3ID in its training, command and control, task organization, firepower and battlespace management, and logistics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.287-320
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• 2007

This study was to look into the press policy and the related activities performed by North Korea in the South during the Korean War and to evaluate them. In order to understand the concrete contents of the activities and their characteristics, the two representative newspapers published in the South by North Korea at that times - the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo - were reviewed and analyzed. North Korea operated broadcasting and started newspapers just after the possession of Seoul. and also performed various positive press activities - such as the distribution of the newspapers and periodicals of North Korea and U.S.S.R., putting the movies on the screen, and founding the weekly, etc. But the target of all the media were the same. It aimed to support Kim Il-Sung's scheme which intended to carry out the war successfully and to make the South under occupation Communism System by introducing the Northern law and system. The two newspapers, as agent of power, made only such a role to agitate and exaggerate the false things with unrealistic optimism. They intended to ideologically mobilize the South people and to affect on their perspectives and acts. However the media including the two newspapers being operated in the South during the war had not got the faith or the good response from the South people as an audience. Most of South Koreans were tired with their endless and one-sided propaganda, agitation and ideological enlightenment. It could therefore be evaluated that the press activities by North Korea in the South during the Korean War resulted with many limitations in ideologically organizing and mobilizing the South Koreans.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.98-108
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to analyze the monumental expression of Korean War Memorials(KWM) in Korea(KWMK). Through site survey and internet searching, the researcher selected 17 KWMK and analyzed four analysis categories: contents, spatial form, landscape elements, sculptures and architectural elements. The results are as follows: 1. The analysis revealed that main contents of KWMK were to cherish victims of the Korean War, honor military merit, and explain Korean War. 2. Most KWMK built battlefield had the form of symmetry and spatial axis arranged monuments and sculptures for solemnity and heroism. Though the sites were terraced by traditional spatial order, spatial sequence wasn't seen except Yang-gu KWMK and Chumomyeongbi in United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea. 3. Stone monument-like towers, tablets, podium, monoliths, cenotaphs, and exhibit halls to explain Korean War and combat history were used as main elements of KWMK and also, war weapons were often displayed the flags of countries taking part in Korean War were raised with Taegeukgi and the United Nations flag. 4. Most sculptures were used as important media to represent the Korean War and assumed realistically the form of heroic combat. But a few architectural memorial built in recent were designed in contemporary style to have spatial sequence and represent Korean War symbolically and narratively. 5. In memorial culture, KWMK were strongly influenced by ideology and patriotism, impacted by conventional value, and designed by some sculptors and designers in a certain circle. Further study will be required to analyze the characteristics of KWMK in the point of design style and diachronic.

• The Journal of Information Systems
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.175-195
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• 2022

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine news articles and analyze trends and key agendas related to artificial intelligence(AI). In particular, this study tried to compare the reporting behaviors of Korea and the United States, which is considered to be a leader in the field of AI. Design/methodology/approach This study analyzed news articles using a big data method. Specifically, main agendas of the two countries were derived and compared through the keyword frequency analysis, topic modeling, and language network analysis. Findings As a result of the keyword analysis, the introduction of AI and related services were reported importantly in Korea. In the US, the war of hegemony led by giant IT companies were widely covered in the media. The main topics in Korean media were 'Strategy in the 4th Industrial Revolution Era', 'Building a Digital Platform', 'Cultivating Future human resources', 'Building AI applications', 'Introduction of Chatbot Services', 'Launching AI Speaker', and 'Alphago Match'. The main topics of US media coverage were 'The Bright and Dark Sides of Future Technology', 'The War of Technology Hegemony', 'The Future of Mobility', 'AI and Daily Life', 'Social Media and Fake News', and 'The Emergence of Robots and the Future of Jobs'. The keywords with high centrality in Korea were 'release', 'service', 'base', 'robot', 'era', and 'Baduk or Go'. In the US, they were 'Google', 'Amazon', 'Facebook', 'China', 'Car', and 'Robot'.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.15-24
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• 2010

Web-based MMORTS has features that distinguish it from traditional client-based games. First, Web-based MMORTS is represented by the combination of graphics and texts. Second, there is parallax agent which has a player and a base town character. This paper written for the purpose of analyzing the storytelling of web-based MMORTS, and from Innogames selected as the subjects of the study. In view of the results so far achieved, the fact, when the player logs in web-based MMORTS, the player takes the experience after some time which had taken by the AI character instead of the player logged out and User Generated Storytelling created from this process, become known. This paper has a meaning for Web-based virtual world which can juxtaposition with routine tasks and can be linked with other platforms.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.49-67
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• 2019

Since returning to power in 2012, the second Abe administration has pressured Japanese mainstream media in various ways, from creating the Secrecy Act to forming close relationships with media executives and promoting anti-journalism voices on social media. This article focuses on the growth of a jingoist group called the 'Net-rightists' ('Neto-uyo' in the Japanese abbreviation) on the Internet, which has been supporting the right-wing government and amplifying its historical revisionist views of Japanese colonialism. These heavy Internet users deny Japan's war crimes against neighboring Asian countries and disseminate fake news about the past, which justifies Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's hostile diplomatic policies against South Korea and China. Over the past years, the rightist online discourses have become powerful to such an extent that the editorials of major newspapers and TV reports shifted to more nationalist tones. Who are the Neto-uyo? Why have they emerged from the online world and proliferated to the offline world? Two significant characteristics of new media are discussed to analyze their successful media manipulation: cultural transcoding and perpetual rewriting of collective memories. These characteristics have resulted in constructing and reinforcing the data loops of the 'Daily Us' versus Them, technologically raising current diplomatic tensions in East Asia.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.