• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.220-254
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• 2009

Presidential TV debates serve as an important instrument for the general viewers to evaluate the candidates’ character, to examine their policy, and finally to make an important political decisions to cast ballots. Every words candidates utter in the course of entire election campaign exert influence of a certain significance by delivering their ideas and by creating clashes with their respective opponents. This study focuses on the conceptual venue, coined as ‘stasis’ by ancient rhetoricians, in which the clashes take place, and examines the words selection made by each candidates, the manners in which they form stasis, call for evidence, educate the public, and finally create a legitimate form of political argumentation. The study applied computer based content analysis using KrKwic and UCINET software to analyze semantic networks among the candidates. The results showed three major candidates, namely Lee Myung Bak, Jung Dong Young, and Lee Hoi Chang, displayed separate patterns in their use of language, by selecting the words that are often neglected by their opponents. Apparently, the absence of stasis and the lack of speaking mutual language significantly undermined the effects of debates. Central questions regarding issues of North Korea failed to meet basic requirements, and the respondents failed to engage in effective argumentation process.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.145-156
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• 2011

The study is to analyze voting behaviors revealed through the June 2 local elections, and to learn their implications by exploring and comparing the main factors that influence how to recognize and select a candidate. To achieve this, in-depth interviews have been conducted focusing on those who voted in the last election. The analysis shows that most respondents regard their political tendencies as moderate and make decisions on whom to vote for 2 to 3 days prior to election. It also indicates that what party candidates belong to is the highest motivation in deciding for whom to vote and they generally vote as they believe. According to the study, not only do the poll's results hardly affect their choice of candidates, but also the polls turn out significantly different from the actual results. The great gap between the polls and the actual outcome signifies that how to conduct a poll is wrong and people intend to conceal their opinions. While the media has had a decisive effect on the image of candidates, it is through promotional materials for political campaigns that the candidates' policy is recognized. The study also says that the Four-River is the most influential political issue in election. The study identifies voters' behavior specifically and in depth, and suggests some lessons to make use of for the future elections.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.435-444
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• 2022

There are three focuses in the paper. Firstly, the study identified what channels were most viewed by YouTube users to watch the 'Daejang-dong scandal,' which was the most powerful agenda to influence the candidate preference among voters during the 20th presidential election. Secondly, the study analyzed whether the political tone of the first videos was in line with that of the subsequent videos. Finally, we compared the sentiment of comments on the first and subsequent videos. The results showed that TBS 'News Factory' and 'TV Chosun News' represented liberal and conservative factions, respectively. Secondly, the political tone of channels that were viewed subsequently was neutral, but the conservative channel users left more negative comments and that was significant statistically. In addition, about 80% of the conservative and liberal channel users shared the same political tendency with the channel they watched first, and more than 90% of the comments left at the subsequent videos in line with that of at the first news. Based on these results, the study concluded that the voters tended to seek political news that was similar with their political ideology, and it was considered a sort of echo chamber phenomenon on the YouTube. The study suggests that the performance of high-quality journalism by traditional news outlet might contribute to decrease the negative influence of political contents on YouTube users.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.187-219
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• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• The Journal of the Korea institute of electronic communication sciences
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.169-175
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• 2009

In this research, the first online journalism in South Korea on the research itself in reality only have 3, only 2 cases in the United States the study of online journalism deulyigie, in online journalism for the public to feel the necessity of research and These online agents not jeoneolriseuteuna the role of public journalism, the media can perform that role, she felt the need for the rest, in the process of the last 16 presidential election, as reported salpyeobomeu in South Korea of jourmalism online newspapers will want to research about the policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.294-300
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• 2010

With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.307-344
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• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.76-107
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• 2008

The present study has explored the effects of media use on the evaluation of the presidential candidate's morality. We hypothesized that the perception of the candidates' morality during the 2007 Korean President Election would be influenced by the amount of the different types of media use. Using a set of panel data, a total of 1,199 citizens (584 females (48.7%), 615 males (51.3%), Mage=42.77, SDage=13.34) were assessed four times from August to December in 2007. The results indicated that (a) the level of TV use for political information, the level of newspaper use for political information, and the level of Internet use for political information increased during the five months; (b) the initial level of political involvement contributed differently to the initial levels of media use; (c) the initial level of political involvement negative influenced the initial level of TV use for political information; (d) the growth of political involvement positively influenced the growth of TV use for political information; (e) the intial level of TV use for political information increased both the initial levels of the perception of candidates' morality and the change of the perception of candidates' morality; (f) the change of TV use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality; and (g) the initial level of Internet use for political information negatively affected the initial level of the perception of candidates' morality, and the change of Internet use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2019

The 2018 midterm elections were considered a referendum for Trump Presidency, especially because Latino community has been feeling that the anti-immigration, anti-Latino policies of Trump administration are harmful to the community. News Media and pundits predicted the boost of the Latino turnout and its positive effects on Democratic candidates at all levels. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of Latino demographics and Latino public opinion and to analyze the election results with exit poll data and actual aggregate data. The data analysis shows that, compared to 2014 midterm elections, Latino turnout and the support for Democratic candidates actually increased in most counties and precincts, which is more salient in the areas with heavy Latino concentration.