• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2015

As opinion mining in big data applications has been highlighted, a lot of research on unstructured data has made. Lots of social media on the Internet generate unstructured or semi-structured data every second and they are often made by natural or human languages we use in daily life. Many words in human languages have multiple meanings or senses. In this result, it is very difficult for computers to extract useful information from these datasets. Traditional web search engines are usually based on keyword search, resulting in incorrect search results which are far from users' intentions. Even though a lot of progress in enhancing the performance of search engines has made over the last years in order to provide users with appropriate results, there is still so much to improve it. Word sense disambiguation can play a very important role in dealing with natural language processing and is considered as one of the most difficult problems in this area. Major approaches to word sense disambiguation can be classified as knowledge-base, supervised corpus-based, and unsupervised corpus-based approaches. This paper presents a method which automatically generates a corpus for word sense disambiguation by taking advantage of examples in existing dictionaries and avoids expensive sense tagging processes. It experiments the effectiveness of the method based on Naïve Bayes Model, which is one of supervised learning algorithms, by using Korean standard unabridged dictionary and Sejong Corpus. Korean standard unabridged dictionary has approximately 57,000 sentences. Sejong Corpus has about 790,000 sentences tagged with part-of-speech and senses all together. For the experiment of this study, Korean standard unabridged dictionary and Sejong Corpus were experimented as a combination and separate entities using cross validation. Only nouns, target subjects in word sense disambiguation, were selected. 93,522 word senses among 265,655 nouns and 56,914 sentences from related proverbs and examples were additionally combined in the corpus. Sejong Corpus was easily merged with Korean standard unabridged dictionary because Sejong Corpus was tagged based on sense indices defined by Korean standard unabridged dictionary. Sense vectors were formed after the merged corpus was created. Terms used in creating sense vectors were added in the named entity dictionary of Korean morphological analyzer. By using the extended named entity dictionary, term vectors were extracted from the input sentences and then term vectors for the sentences were created. Given the extracted term vector and the sense vector model made during the pre-processing stage, the sense-tagged terms were determined by the vector space model based word sense disambiguation. In addition, this study shows the effectiveness of merged corpus from examples in Korean standard unabridged dictionary and Sejong Corpus. The experiment shows the better results in precision and recall are found with the merged corpus. This study suggests it can practically enhance the performance of internet search engines and help us to understand more accurate meaning of a sentence in natural language processing pertinent to search engines, opinion mining, and text mining. Naïve Bayes classifier used in this study represents a supervised learning algorithm and uses Bayes theorem. Naïve Bayes classifier has an assumption that all senses are independent. Even though the assumption of Naïve Bayes classifier is not realistic and ignores the correlation between attributes, Naïve Bayes classifier is widely used because of its simplicity and in practice it is known to be very effective in many applications such as text classification and medical diagnosis. However, further research need to be carried out to consider all possible combinations and/or partial combinations of all senses in a sentence. Also, the effectiveness of word sense disambiguation may be improved if rhetorical structures or morphological dependencies between words are analyzed through syntactic analysis.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• 제2호
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• pp.27-48
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• 2004

Robert Rauschenberg's artistic career has often been regarded as having reached its culmination when the artist won the first prize at the 1964 Venice Biennale. With this victory, Rauschenberg triumphantly entered the pantheon of all-American artists and firmly secured his position in the history of American art. On the other hand, despite the artist's ongoing new experiments in his art, the seemingly precocious ripeness in his career has led the critical discourses on Rauschenberg's art to the artist's early works, most of which were done in the mid-1950s and the 1960s. The crux of Rauschenberg criticism lies not only in focusing on the artist's 50's and 60's works, but also in its large dismissal of the significance of the imagery that the artist employed in his works. As art historians Roger Cranshaw and Adrian Lewis point out, the critical discourse of Rauschenberg either focuses on the formalist concerns on the picture plane, or relies on the "culturalist" interpretation of Rauschenberg's imagery which emphasizes the artist's "Americanness." Recently, a group of art historians centered around October has applied Charles Sanders Peirce's semiotics as art historical methodology and illuminated the indexical aspects of Rauschenberg's work. The semantic inquiry into Rauschenberg's imagery has also been launched by some art historians who seek the clues in the artist's personal context. The first half of this essay will examine the previous criticism on Rauschenberg's art and the other half will discuss the artist's 1955 work Rebus, which I think intersects various critical concerns of Rauschenberg's work, and yet defies the closure of discourses in one direction. The categories of signs in the semiotics of Charles Sanders Peirce and the discourse of Jean-Francois Lyotard will be used in discussing the meanings of Rebus, not to search for the semantic readings of the work, hut to make an analogy in terms of the paradoxical structures of both the work and the theory. The definitions of rebus is as follows: Rebus 1. a representation or words or syllables by pictures of object or by symbols whose names resemble the intended words or syllables in sound; also: a riddle made up wholly or in part of such pictures or symbols. 2. a badge that suggests the name of the person to whom it belongs. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged. Since its creation in 1955, Robert Rauschenberg's Rebus has been one of the most intriguing works in the artist's oeuvre. This monumental 'combine' painting($6feet{\times}10feet$ 10.5 inches) consists of three panels covered with fabric, paper, newspaper, and printed reproductions. On top of these, oil paints, pencil and crayon drawings connect each section into a whole. The layout of the images is overall horizontal. Starting from a torn election poster, which is partially read as "THAT REPRE," on the far left side of the painting. Rebus leads us to proceed from the left to the right, the typical direction of reading in a Western context. Along with its seemingly proper title. Rebus, the painting has triggered many art historians to seek some semantic readings of it. These art historians painstakingly reconstruct the iconography based on the artist's interviews, (auto)biography, and artistic context of his works. The interpretation of Rebus varies from a 'image-by-image' collation with a word to a more general commentary on Rauschenberg's work overall, such as a work that "bridges between art and life." Despite the title's allusion to the legitimate purpose of the painting as a decoding of the imagery into sound, Rebus, I argue, actually hinders a reading of it. By reading through Peirce to Rauschenberg, I will delve into the subtle anxiety between words and images in their works. And on this basis, I suggest Rauschenberg's strategy in playing Rebus is to hide the meaning of the imagery rather than to disclose it.

• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• 제32권2호
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• pp.225-234
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• 2009

This study attempts to provide basic information on overseas employment to the radiological technologists and students majoring in radiology in Korea who consider the overseas employment by investigating the job consciousness for radiological technologists in Canada and Australia which have a high level of interest for overseas employment and want to compare their status with that of Korean radiological technologists. This study was performed by visiting hospitals such as Prince George Regional Hospital, 1475 Edmonton Street, Prince George, BC, Canada on August 13, 2007, Alfred Hospital, Commercial Road Melbourne 3004, Australia on August 4, 2008, and other Korea hospitals that show the similar scale as Canada and Australia on September 10, 2007. The results were summarized as follows : 1. Differences were observed in this sexual composition, such as 18 males (90%) in Korea, 14 females (73.7%) in Canada, and 25 females in Australia (86.2%). 2. The item of 'aptitude' which is one of the most important criteria, showed the highest level in Korea, Canada, and Australia, and the second most considered item was 'salary'. 3. In the values in jobs, the items of 'economic self-sufficiency', 'recognized by others', and 'establishing a social position' represented high levels in Korea, and the items of 'like the job itself', 'establishing self-actualization', 'feel the meaning of life', and 'make new friends' showed high levels in Canada and Australia. 4. Regarding the item of 'a job is important as much as a marriage', 'Yes' showed high level in Korea, and 'No' showed high levels in Canada and Australia. 5. Radiological technologists in Korea demonstrated a low level in the job consciousness compared to those of Canada and Australia. Although this study shows some limitations for showing whole idea of radiological technologists due to the lack of the scope in samples for each country as a practical manner, this study can be regarded significant to compare some countries that have interests in overseas employment.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제32권3호
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• pp.58-68
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• 2014

Christian Cay Lorenz Hirschfeld is often regarded as 'a father of landscape garden art.' He was an aesthetics professor and garden theoretician in the $18^{th}$ century. He put forth the most comprehensive garden theory book in five volumes between 1779 and 1785. His book, Theorie der Gartenkunst, was translated and widely circulated in his contemporary. The book, which dealt with diverse aspects of garden art such as history, design, material, and type, urged to promote the prevalence of landscape garden in European continents as well as in Germany. However, there have scarcely been discourses in the Hirschfeld's garden theory. This essay aims to review Hirschfeld's garden thoughts in his book critically and to reinterpret some issues in the contemporary landscape theory and practice. Hirschfeldian theory was the product of $18^{th}$ century German Enlightenment and romanticism. At that time, Nature was regarded as divine realm. There was a German affinity with natural world. The spread of reading culture and the fashion of travel literature were another background of the success of his garden literature. Several issues in Hirschfeld garden theory will discussed here. First, privileging garden art was the most significant contribution in his theory. He emphasized that garden art was the most advanced art form among all art genres. Second, garden art was grounded on the mimesis of nature. The ambiguous relationship between nature and art still existed in garden making. However, garden art can be flourished when utilizing the potency of nature in itself. Third, there was the association between the image and the idea in experiencing the garden. Some garden scenes stimulated the related emotional responses such as cheerful and merry, softly melancholic, romantic, solemn etc. Fourth, the movement was the essential aspect of garden art. Motion and emotion are come together in garden experience. To represent the landscape garden style in suitable way, the sketch or image seems to be preferable than the plans and views. Finally, garden art was composing of not only the physical space but also the spirit of place. He maintained the garden art as hortus moralis should be a social metaphor. Hirschfeldian garden theory has often been criticized as the lack of practical power and the old fashioned idea. However, his theory influenced on formulating the idea of public park in $19^{th}$ century. Moreover, there are still some visionary aspects of his theory such as the reevaluation of garden art, the emphasis of locality and the introduction of Mittelweg idea. Recently, gardening culture are prevalent in various realms of art and life. Hirschfeld's garden theory as humanistic landscape theory can provide us some insights in the contemporary practices.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• 제2권
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• pp.34-41
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• 1984

This study was conducted to investigate yearly changes of weeds occurring in orchard and to evaluate an effect of continuous herbicide application on weed population in apple fields. Digitaria sanguinalis, Cephalonoplos segetum, Calystegia hederacea, Polygonum aviculare, Echinochloa crus-galli, and Portulaca oleracea were observed to be the problem weeds in orchard with yearly similar species for a three-year, showing D. sanguinalis was single dominant species for a three-year experimental period. An increase of Simpson's index from 0.22 in the first year to 0.33 in the 3 rd year was observed in the oxyfluorfen treated plot, indicating that most of the weed species were well controlled, while in the untreated plot, D. sanguinalis was relatively single dominant species showing Simpson's index, 0.56 in the 1st year and decreased to 0.32 in the 3 rd year meaning diversification of weed species, and the same trend was also observed in community dominance. Dissimilarity coefficient, 41.6, observed in the weed populations of 1st year and 2nd year, increased up to 58.8 between 1st year and 3 rd year's weed populations in the oxyfluorfen treated plot, indicating that weed community was greatly affected by oxyfluorfen treatment. Based on 3 year's dry weight oxyfluorfen treatment controlled 95 % of weeds such as $149.3g/m^2$ dry weight in the untreated control plot, with a little yearly changes of dry weight. Composition of perennial and biennial weeds was about 59% in the herbicide treated plots and 30% in the untreated control, showing a relative increase of these weeds in the treated plot. However, total dry weight of these weeds was markedly low, showing less than 5% of the untreated one. An annual, D. sanguinalis composed of 70% of total dry weight in the untreated control.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제36권1호
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• pp.34-44
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• 2018

In the Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, Judas, Greece, and Rome, Phoenix dactylifera was planted in gardens or orchards to signify life, blessing, and victory. Branches of Phoenix dactylifera, likened to high and precious, were referred to one of the gifts to the king in the second century BC and have been used in the Feast of Tabernacles. And they were engraved on the walls of the temple and along with cherub. Besides, Phoenix dactylifera is compared with a righteous person in the Bible since it grows straight despite strong winds. And, it was used as a symbol of honesty, justice, and right. Churches call the week before Easter Palm Sunday since the crowd laid the leaves of date palm trees on the road and shouted "Hosanna" while waving the date palm branches when Jesus entered Jerusalem. Moreover, pilgrim in the Middle Ages was called 'Palmer' in English due to custom of returning with the leaves and branches of date palm trees as a memorial of the Holy Land pilgrimage. This study analyzes naming issue of Phoenix dactylifera through the old literature and 27 versions of the most influential Bibles in History of Bible Translation in Korea, China, and Japan. Phoenix dactylifera is translated into Chinese as '棕櫚(Trachycarpus fortunei)', a native tree of China. 棕櫚 is similar to Phoenix dactylifera, but its fruit and leaf are quite distinct. This being so, translating Phoenix dactylifera as 棕櫚 has a limit to convey symbolic meaning adequately. In the Japanese Bible, on the other hand, Phoenix dactylifera is translated as 'なつめやし(Natsumeyashi)' meant date palm tree. Most of Protestant Bible in Korea use 'Jongryeo' like Chinese Bible while translation in Korean Catholic Bible(2005) varies from one scripture to another: 'Yaja Namu (Palm Tree)' - 38 times, 'Jongryeo Namu' - 5 times, and 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' - 3 times. Date Palm Tree, 'Jongryeo Tree', and Palm Tree don't grow in Korea. However, they had long been recognized as Haejo(海棗), Jongryeo(?櫚), and Yaja(椰子) respectively through China and Japan. Each of them called by a distinct name correspond with its own characteristic and used separately in Korean Classics as Jongryeo and Haejo were identified in ancient Chinese literatures. It seems that more confusion was raised since 'Palm' was translated as 'Jongryeo' in several books including "?藤和英大辭典 (1915)", "Modern 朝鮮外來語辭典(1938)", and "Latin-Korean Dictionary(1995)". However, the Latin term 'Palmae' is translated into English as either palm tree or date palm. The results of this study suggest that more accurate translation of Phoenix dactylifera in the Bible would be 'Daechu Yaja Namu (Date Palm Tree)' and using different name fit for its own characteristic would be more appropriate.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제39권3호
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• pp.42-55
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• 2021

This study investigated the memories of the natives and the migrants who had been living with the 760-year-old Zelkova serrata located in the Keangnam Apartment Complex in Dogok 1-dong. Place memory is a newly illuminated concept since the 1980s, and is also used as a new research methodology for studying and recording multi-layered memories left in a place based on feelings and traces of vivid memories. The urban development of Gangnam, which began in the 1970s, quickly changed rural to apartment complexes. The natives of Yeokmal were scattered throughout the country, and new migrants moved in. In the process, zelkova serrata was managed in different ways from time to time, and residents also establish relationship in different ways. Natives used to take a rest in the tree or swing at Dan-o, and recognized it as a place to receive the god during the village ritual. In other words, they shared the entire process of life and death and were given various roles depending on the lives of the residents. It is also a direct experience that was experienced in detail and a place where collective memories of residents are melted. On the other hand, with the construction of Keangnam Apartment, the management of zelkova tree has become stricter, making it impossible for migrants to access. Migrants have come to enjoy zelkova serrata visually, and the annual Yeokmal Traditional Festival makes common memories in the city. In addition, many people personified trees and received mental comfort. In addition, the nature of the old big tree was highlighted in the background of the city, and the symbol of "uniqueness and speciality" was newly formed, which led to the formation of pride and attachment. Through the memories of the two subjects' zelkova tree, we were able to examine the memories of the tree value, and management of protected tree in the city.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• 제40호
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• pp.111-136
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• 2020

Agricultural high schools are undergoing a change their name from the mid-1950s to the 2000s. Although it varies slightly depending on the case, it has been changed from 'rural forests' to 'agricultural farms' or 'agricultural industries' and 'life sciences high schools' in turn. In several aricultural high schools had managed Nongak Department(class), it's guarantees the continuity of Korea's traditional folk art. Examples include entertainment and farming in Honam region of Jeonju aricultural high School in North Jeolla Province, Geumsan aricultural high School in South Chungcheong Province, Gimcheon aricultural high School in North Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, the interpretation and significance of studies should follow. This method of Nongak education in modern school institutions is a new phenomenon in the history of Nongak after modern time, the emergence of a whole new pattern of professional entertainment Nongak after paving and Female-Nongak, as well as local traditional folk music. Education here was conducted in such a way that the best performers of the time were invited as guidance teachers among traditional folk artists. Thus, various local and professional music and entertainment were able to be promoted Apart from the social relations of delay, social progress, and economy, the education of farming and music, which consists of teachers and students in public schools, has provided an environment where unlimited freedom is allowed for art forms. In other words, the conditions for a new performance style experiment and creative fusion were met, and the foundation for the development of professional musical performers who had acquired individualized talents from previous generations was laid down in the context of the phenomenon of active stage music and theater performance of outstanding in the culture of Nongak. In other words, the Department of Agriculture and aricultural high school was a very free space compared to other communities' and economic community's agricultural music in social relationships bound by traditional cultural customs. This is why they have created a new style of performance through a new experiment and a different traditional performance repertoire, and their activities have led to a more stylistic expansion from traditional farming. More importantly, the figures who came across Agricultural Nongak department became the main experts of traditional Korean folk music nowdays. Thus, Nongak Department, operated by the Agriculture and Forestry High School, was a space where would give a very important meaning in terms of Nongak history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제37권4호
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• pp.11-31
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• 2019

Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1^st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5^th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4^th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9^th Gok 8(14%), the 3^rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6^th Gok 4(7%), the 2^nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7^th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8^th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1^st Gok, 5^th Gok and 4^th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.