• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.9-32
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• 2014

Until now, the studies researching the Taoism theories of Joseon Dynasty have mainly dealt around the latter half of Joseon Dynasty. The reason for that was because the 5 cribs of a book Lao Tzu and the 2 crib of a book Changzi were produced after the Imjin-Year Korean-Japanese War(壬辰倭亂,Imjin Waeran). Therefore this thesis extracted the mentions about Taoism from about 200-year history records from Jeong Do-Jeon's Theory, which was the theoretical foundation for early days of Joseon's foundation and the history book King Taejong's Annals(太宗實錄) contained in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實 錄) and analyzed the extracted historic data as the first work contemplating how the Taoism theories were developed during the first half of Joseon Dynasty. From the analysis, this study drew out the findings as follows. Jeong Do-Jeon and Gwon Geun sharply criticized the Taoism for that it pursued for the techniques of longevity for oneself without moral. They tried to establish the identity of neo-Confucianism on the foundation criticizing the Taoism and the Buddhism. Since then, the Taoism was transformed through the 3 stages in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty. The first stage was the stage transformed 'Lao Tzu' as the witchcraft master of long-live, the technique of the taoist hermit and the super god in Taoism, and regarded the Taoism as heresy and excluded the Taoism. Second stage was the stage trying to see the book Lao Tzu as the core of Taoism theory separately from the 'Hermit Witchcraft' and the 'Taoist gods' the target of fortune-pursue religion beyond from the primary discussion of exclusion. Third stage was revealed as the respects on the art of politics and the art of living described in the book Lao Tzu. That is, the Taoism theories in the first half of Joseon Dynasty was developed with various spectrums from the early days of Joseon's foundation to 15~16 centuries beyond Joseon's strong suppression against the Taoism and the Buddhism in early days. That is the point that the Taoism in the first half of Joseon Dynasty can't be simply interpreted in the neo-Confucianism. During the firs half of Joseon Dynasty, the warm attitude toward the Taoism was created differently from the attitude against suppressing it as a cult, which had been created in the early days of Josen's foundation, and there appeared the changes accepting the art of living and the art of politics theoretically integrating with the Confucianism theories. That is, the book 'Lao Tus' became accepted as the Confucian country's arts of living and politics from a cult book pursuing for immoral log and immortal life. Such acception is revealed as the appearance actively interpreting the books about Laoism in the latter half o Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.155-180
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• 2008

Suam(遂庵) Kwon Sang-Ha(權尙夏) was a very important character in the late Chosoen Dynasty. He was a representative of the academic circles(school of Uam) and political circles(Nolon; 老論) after Uam(尤庵) Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689). He represented learning and thought and undertaking of his academic circles and political circles, and handed down to his pupils. He thought his mission was "lighting the laws of heaven and aligning the human mind," "stopping the heretical study and repulsing uncivilization", to reform good virtues of humanity and justice. Kwon Sang-Ha was a successor of Song Si-Yeol, He succeeded learning and thought of his teacher and practiced "Upright"(直) and the Thought of ChunChu(春秋). He emphasized "Upright" as a fundamental principle, like his teacher. He thought ChuHsi(朱熹, 1130-1200) was the master who had inherited the spirit of Confucianism and Chosoen was the only country to successfully inherit this spirit of Confucianism. He declared any study counter to the study of ChuHsi as a rebellious pursuit. Therefore he rejected all other studies. He tried to "stop the heretical 'ism' and repulse uncivilization" and present this ideology as 'the Right way of Human Society(世道)'. He made efforts to reorganize books of ChuHsi to make perfect Book of righteousness with Song Si-Yeol. And he established Hwayang shrine, MandongMyo(萬東廟), Deabodan(大報壇) etc, in memory of fidelity and large rightness. Kwon Sang-Ha did these undertaking to establish 'Public morals and the Right way of Human Society(世道)' with self-confidence. In Dispute on the nature of man and animal(人物性同異論), he gives his approval to Han Won-Jin's opinion. Han Won-Jin's opinion was "the nature of man and animal is Different"(人物性異論). Whenever serious political accidents occurred, he took the lead to protect his teacher, Song Si-Yeol. The reason he did this was not because of his personal feelings for his teacher, but because of promoting 'Public morals(世道)' and 'Confucianism.' Kwon Sang-Ha regarded Mind control Law of "Upright" and the thought of ChunChu as his moralities, and was concerned about real politics and opposed social irregularities. Kwon Sang-Ha succeeded Song Si-Yeol's thought of "Upright" and volition of making an inroad on the Chung(淸), and gave to his political circles(Nolon; 老論) as a law of mind and mission.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.251-276
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• 2017

This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.385-414
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• 2018

In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.357-392
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• 2012

An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.

• Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.254-261
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to assess the marginal and internal fit of interim crowns fabricated by two different manufacturing method (subtractive manufacturing technology and additive manufacturing technology). Materials and Methods: Forty study models were fabricated with plasters by making an impression of a master model of the maxillary right first molar for ceramic crown. On each study model, interim crowns (n = 40) were fabricated using three types of 3D printers (Meg-printer 2; Megagen, Zenith U; Dentis, and Zenith D; Dentis) and one type milling machine (imes-icore 450i; imes-icore GmbH). The internal of the interim crowns were filled with silicon and fitted to the study model. Internal scan data was obtained using an intraoral scanner. The fit of interim crowns were evaluated in the margin, absolute margin, axial, cusp, and occlusal area by using the superimposition of 3D scan data (Geomagic control X; 3D Systems). The Kruskal-wallis test, Mann-Whitney U test and Bonferroni correction method were used to compare the results among groups (α = 0.05). Results: There was no significant difference in the absolute marginal discrepancy of the temporary crown manufactured by three 3D printers and one milling machine (P = 0.812). There was a significant difference between the milling machine and the 3D printer in the axial and occlusal area (P < 0.001). The temporary crown with the milling machine showed smaller axial gap and higher occlusal gap than 3D printer. Conclusion: Since the marginal fit of the temporary crown produced by three types of 3D printers were all with in clinically acceptable range (< 120 ㎛), it can be sufficiently used for the fabrication of the temporary crown.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.67-79
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• 2020

This study analyzed the start-up education curriculum and start-up education programs of seven universities in the U.S. to find out what courses are provided, what various programs exist, and what the characteristics of start-up education in each university are. California State University, San Bernardino / University of California, Irvine / Drexel University / Oklahoma State University / Florida State University / San Diego State University / University of Southern California where entrepreneurship education based on the Entrepreneurship Degree Course is being established based on the Entrepreneurship Center of seven universities in the United States, which is not well introduced in Korea. This study examined how the start-up education courses and start-up support systems at seven universities in the U.S. are progressing at the undergraduate, MBA, master's and doctoral levels, and comparative levels. Through the case studies of the universities presented, the primary analysis was carried out to explore the various characteristics of American university start-up education. The implications of start-up education at American universities in this study are as follows. First, in order for universities to take the initiative in providing start-up education, they should be organized to suit the course of start-up education suitable for the characteristics of universities and introduce support programs. Second, it is necessary to establish an independent center within domestic universities to be operated autonomously. Third, the start-up education of universities should include building university-industry partnerships, operating entrepreneurship degree courses and collaboration between departments of universities. Fourth, the independent center should lead the active participation of alumni and local start-ups and start-up-related programs should be operated based on this. Fifth, Differentiated programs for each university's characteristics should be introduced and applied to universities. Although case studies have limitations that cannot be generalized, they can provide a useful framework. Therefore, it is necessary to design a systematic start-up education that reflects the correct design direction and characteristics of each university.