• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.91-113
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• 2001

History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.242-281
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• 2010

There are a large number of Buddhist cultural relics in Mt. Namsan. The cultural relics carry the spirit of people of Shila who dream of Buddhist Elysium and the establishment of Buddhist nation. In the valley and the top of the mountain and on various rock cliff, stone statues of Buddha and stone pagodas stand in harmony with nature. For that reason, Mt. Namsan is called an open-air museum. And it played an important role in establishing 'The UNESCO World Heritage' status for Gyeongdju in December 2000. But sadly, there are many stone relics that have eroded away and damaged from collapsing in the passage of time. The seated stone statue of Buddha in Samreoung valley of Mt. Namsan is one of them. It was created between the 8th and 9th century, and restored without much care nor extensive historical research in 1923. As a result, The face of the Buddha remained with concrete mortar and its nimbus fallen backward and destroyed. Therefore, restoration and repair as well as creation of a statue environment for the statue were urgent. So we immediately started in restoration and repair. First, through the archaeological excavation around the stone Buddha, we carried the stone Buddha on the original position. In order to restore the statues to its original glory created by the Unified Shila Dynasty, we created a restoration plan in corporation with art historians and historians, then restored the jaw and the damage nimbus. Second, we made the weathering & damage map of the stone Buddha. In order to prevent second damage, we cleaned the surface of contaminants with distilled water. Third, we studied restoration method to prevent artificial damage. We recreated parts of his face and halo. Then each parts of the statue were restored to their original position. In the whole process of restoration, we tried to use traditional techniques.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.240-255
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• 2016

In many cities in the East and West during the modern period, historical resources were perceived as obstacles to urban development and were treated as deficiencies calling for development. Korea underwent a process of drastic urbanization and industrialization almost unprecedented in modern history. In this process of turmoil, cities expanded rapidly and went through a series of changes. City development followed a repeated cycle in which resources were concentrated in the city area, which, in turn, led to further development. However, such method of development is reaching its limits. In order to make a city desirable for living, it is crucial to make an effort to build a sustainable city environment where life and history coexist harmoniously. It is now time to consider how to carry forth sustainable development in the city where the past, present, and future coexist. If so, how will the future of our cities look and the form of housing change? To answer this question, we examined Urban Hanok Residential Areas and Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village, which went through rapid changes in the modern period. The Hanok, which was a commonplace sight in the past, has been perceived as an underdeveloped form of housing, easily targeted for redevelopment only a few years ago; so was the case with Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village. Yet now these are being revalued as sustainable housing areas able to coexist with the history of the city. That is, through restoration, their potential of contributing to the history and identity of the city is gaining recognition. In this regard, it holds great implications for us to look at the changes that traditional Korean housing areas and castle villages have undergone.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.22-47
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• 2014

This study was to understand the basic principles of the East Asian wooden structure system research and analysis. The Korea and China ancient architecture internal structure research that the combination of girders and crossbeams position. The ancient wooden structures of eastern Asian countries, Korea and China are not much different from each other in the principles of the wooden architecture structure, combining pillars, purlins and crossbeams. However, it seems that age-division, local-division, national-division differs in detail techniques. China ancient wooden structures combination of purlin and crossbeam, and So-seul Timber(Chinese name: Chashou叉手, Tuojiao 托脚) seems to show differences according to the age of the fulcrum position, detailed approach is also different according to various historical dynasty. Before in the 15th century, Purlin and Crossbeam are coupled to each other, but since the 15th century, seems to have developed a technique combined with each other Girder and Crossbeam and to prevent buckling of the Crossbeam cross-sectional area increased dramatically. For Tuojiao in China Tang-Wudai dynasty(A.D. 618~979), can see that saw the top position Girder and Tuojiao no direct coupling, can be seen as maintaining the safety of the material than the material of the inner wooden structures prevent buckling of the purlin. Korea ancient wooden structures of Goryeo dynasty(A.D. 918~1391), So-seul Timber(Chinese name Tuojiao) why do not to use the fashion? To use Purlin Lower backing material techniques to prevent buckling is a popular trend to stable can be thought of as a preferred way to maintain. I think that with universality beyond the local-division, national-division and the two countries since the 15th century of Korea and China ancient wooden structures detailed mechanism for the purlin buckling. In middle-late Chosen dynasty, The effect of Deotgeolyi- techniques and fleeting beams reduce the purlin buckling that reduces the load transmitted from purlin and crossbeam of how to reduce the load on the roof portion of the architecture fleeting beams used, which of craftsmanship of the Chosen Dynasty building can be referred to as another technique for preventing buckling purlin. This Korea and China ancient architecture purlin beam structure and material So-seul Timber study. Seems to be able to provide a basic research study to restore and designed the old wooden architectures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.77-115
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to present empirical evidence for discussion of financing social welfare via estimating optimal tax burden in the main member countries of the OECD by using Hausman-Taylor method considering endogeneity of explanatory variables. Also, the author produced an international tax comparison index reflecting theoretical hypotheses on revenue-expenditure nexus within a model to compare real tax burden by countries and to examine feasibility of tax increase in Korea. As a result of the analysis, the higher the level of tax burden was, the higher the level of welfare expenditure was, indicating the connection between high burden and high welfare from the aspect of scale. The results also indicated that the subject countries recently entered into the state of low tax burden. Meanwhile, Korea had maintained low burden until the late 1990s but the tax burden soared up since the financial crisis related to the IMF. However, due to the impact of foreign economy and the tax reduction policy, it reentered into the low-burden state after 2009. On the other hand, the degree of social welfare expenditure's reducing tax burden has been gradually enhanced since the crisis. In this context, the current optimal tax burden ratio of Korea as of 2010 may be 25.8%~26.5% of GDP based on input of welfare expenditure variables, a percent that Korea was investigated to be a 'high tax burden-low ITC' country whose tax increase of 0.7~1.4%p may be feasible and that the success of tax system reform for tax increase might be higher probability when compare to others. However, measures of increasing social security contributions and consumption tax were analyzed to be improper from the aspect of managing finance when compared to increase in other tax items, considering the relatively higher ITC. Tax increase is not necessarily required though there may be room for tax increase; the optimal tax burden ratio can be understood as the level that may be achieved on average when compared to other nations, not as the "proper" level. Thus, discussion of tax increase should be accompanied with comprehensive understanding of models of economic developmental difference from nations and institutional & historical attributes included in specific tax mix.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.120-137
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• 2021

There were five palaces built during the Joseon Period. Gyeongbokgung Palace was the first one, founded in the 4th year of King Taejo (1395), and depending on the historical interpretation, Changdeokgung Palace, Changgyeonggung Palace, Gyeongungung Palace (Deoksugung), and Gyeongdeokgung Palace (Gyeonghuigung) were also built. The palaces represent the best architecture of the time. In addition, the palaces of the Joseon period have been rebuilt several times, so they contain the architectural history of the Joseon period over the last 500 years. In this paper, all the excavations of five palaces in the Joseon Period were surveyed, and the foundations of the buildings were analyzed. In particular, the aim of this paper is to investigate Jeoksim (foundations of buildings under cornerstone) to understand the characteristics of each palace by period. Accordingly, the changes of the construction techniques of the foundations of the palaces were studied. There are a total of 23 types of Jeoksim. All five palaces have a certain type (I~V) of construction technique, thus it was confirmed that there was a certain pattern in the method of constructing the foundations of palace buildings in the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, Jeoksim was mainly built by certain materials and construction methods (I-1) during the 14th to the 17th century, but new types of Jeoksim were built in the palaces starting from the 18th century, during the reign of King Jeongjo. In the 19th century, when King Gojong sat on the throne, the Jeoksim was built in various shapes, materials, and in 22 types of construction methods. Up to now, research on the remains of palaces were mainly conducted on the Gyeongbokgung Palace, so it was not possible to confirm the foundations of 17th-18th century buildings, where reconstruction had stopped after the Imjin War in 1592. However, through this study, it was possible to classify the transition periodsstheir features periods of palace building foundation construction from the 14th to the 20th century by comparing the remains of five palace building sites.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.8
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• pp.91-106
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to define the process of leading to self-realization and social solidarity through the process of contents planning, production, and distribution as Contents Activism, and to categorize specific execution steps. Based on this, we try to analyze concrete cases to find out the social meaning and effect of the practice of Contents Activism. As for the research method, after examining the differences between traditional activism and Contents Activism through a review of previous studies, the implementation process of Contents Activism was categorized into 7 steps. By applying this model, this study analyzed two cases of Contents Activism. The first case is the 100 laps challenge in the backyard planned by an elderly man ahead of his 100th birthday in early 2020, when the fear of COVID-19 spread. Sir Tom Moore, who lives in the UK, challenged to walk 100 laps in the backyard to help medical staff from the National Health Service as COVID-19 infections and deaths increased due to a lack of protective equipment. His challenge, which is difficult to walk without assistive devices due to cancer surgery and fall aftereffects, drew sympathy and participation from many people, leading to global solidarity. The second case analyzes the case of 'The Unfreedom of Expression, Afterwards' by Kim Seo-kyung and Kim Woon-seong, who were invited to the 2019 Aichi Triennale special exhibition in Japan. The 'Unfreedom of Expression, After' exhibition was a project to display the Statue of Peace and the lives of comfort women in the Japanese military, but it was withdrawn after three days of war due to threats and attacks from the far-right forces. Overseas artists who heard this news resisted the Triennale's decision, took and shared photos in the same pose as the Statue of Peace on social media such as Twitter and Instagram, empathizing with the historical significance of the Statue of Peace. Activism, which began with artists, has expanded through social media to the homes, workplaces, and streets of ordinary citizens living in various regions. The two cases can be said to be Contents Activism that led to social practice while solidifying and communicating with someone through contents.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.45
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• pp.77-95
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• 2021

This study considers the problem of reality that our floral art has to overcome as a loss of the floral art spirit caused by the expansion of Western-centered formalism flower culture, and considers the discussion on the deformality of distancing and the free spirit of nomadism. The floral art, which works on the creator's aesthetic mental world through flowers, is an art of mental image that values the free mental world of the creator. It also refers to the importance of artist consciousness as an art of self-imago that makes the target world beyond the "expression of similarity" that reproduces the target world. In this context, the lack of concern about the identity of Korean floral art appears to be the creative training and work of Korean floral artists who are biased toward Western expression techniques and creative methods. It also expresses a problem with our cultural consciousness, which is dominated by the Western flower culture of flower design. Here, we are obliged to understand the reality of Korean floral art biased by Western flower design and to organize discussions to solve the problem. Therefore, this study examines the problems that our floral art has to overcome as part of seeking the identity of Korean floral art and enhancing the cultural value of Korean floral art through criticism of Western cultural acceptance. This is a historical consideration of the nature of Korean floral art to recover, while also a process of identifying the meaning of the free creative spirit that the artist should maintain as an aesthetic art. Furthermore, such criticism of the Korean floral art culture and discussion of introspection are expected to serve as an opportunity to further expand the academic discourse system for the floral art while embodying the "identity" of Korean floral art.