• Title/Summary/Keyword: farmland

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Classification, Analysis on Attributes and Sustainable Management Plan of Biotop Established in Pohang City (포항시 비오톱의 유형 구분, 속성 분석 및 복원 방안)

  • Jung, Song Hie;Kim, Dong Uk;Lim, Bong Soon;Kim, A Reum;Seol, Jaewon;Lee, Chang Seok
    • Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.245-265
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    • 2019
  • Biotope, which represents the characteristic habitats of living organisms, need to be identified as essential for the efficient creation and sustainable management of urban ecosystems. This study was carried out to provide the basic information for ecological urban planning by analyzing types and attributes of the biotop established throughout the whole area of the Pohang city, a representative industrial city in Korea. The biotop established in Pohang city is composed of 12 types including forests (coniferous, deciduous, and mixed forests), agricultural fields (rice paddy and upland field), green facilities, river, reservoir, bare ground, residential area, public facilities, commercial area, industrial area, roads, and schools. As a result of analyzing the properties according to biotop types, industrial, commercial and residential areas, which represent urban areas, was dominated by introduced vegetation. Moreover the introduced vegetation is usually composed of exotic plants or modified forms for landscape architecture and horticulture rather than native plants, which reflects ecological property of both region and site. As the distance from the urban center increases, the agricultural field showed a form of typical farmland, whereas the closer it is, the more form of greenhouse farming. Natural green spaces were divided into riparian vegetation established along the stream and forest vegetation. Forest vegetation is consisted of secondary forests (seven communities) and plantations (three communities). The urban landscape of Pohang city is dominated by the industrial area. Among them, the steel industry, which occurs large amounts of heat pollution and carbon dioxide, occupies a large proportion. On the other hand, green space is very insufficient in quantity and inferior in quality. This study proposed several restoration plans and further, a green network, which ties the existing green spaces and the green space to be restored as a strategy to improve the environmental quality in this area.

An Analysis of Environmental Factors of Abandoned Paddy Wetlands as References and Changes in Land Cover Types in the Influence Area (묵논습지 환경요인 및 생태영향권 내 토지피복유형 변화 분석)

  • Park, MiOk;Kwon, SoonHyo;Back, SeungJun;Seo, JooYoung;Koo, BonHak
    • Journal of Wetlands Research
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.331-344
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    • 2022
  • This study analyzed the characteristics of the soil and hydrological environment of abandoned paddy wetlands examined the changes in land cover type in the ecological affect area, analyzed the environmental factors of abandoned paddy wetlands, and examined the changes in land cover type in the ecological impact area. The ecological environment characteristics of the reference abandoned paddy wetlands were investigated through literature research, environmental spatial information service, and preliminary exploration of the abandoned paddy wetlands, and the basic data for the restoration of abandoned paddy wetlands ware provided by examining the changes in land cover type in the ecological impact area for 40 years. Through this study, it will be possible to manage the rapidly increasing number of abandoned farmland to be converted into wetlands so that it can perform functions equivalent to or greater than that of natural wetlands. In particular, as we checked the clues that abandoned paddy wetlands could spread to surrounding ecological influences through land cover changes, the study sites are highly likely to be reference wetlands, and if the topography, soil, water circulation system, and carbon reduction performance are analyzed carefully, it will be possible to standardize the development process. In addition, through the change in land cover, clues were confirmed that the abandoned paddy wetlands could spread to the surrounding ecological affect areas. The land cover type in the ecological impact area, forests was mainly distributed, but generally decreased rapidly in the last 10-20 years, and forests were changing from coniferous forests to broad-leaved forests, mixed forests, or grassland. It has not yet been fully called to the wetland, and it is found that it has maintained the form of barren or grassland, and as can be seen in the case of natural wetlands after more than 30 years after abandoned, it is expected that the transition will gradually proceed to wetlands that are structurally and functionally similar to natural wetlands.

Setting Criteria of Suitable Site for Southern-type Garlic Using Non-linear Regression Model (비선형회귀 분석을 통한 난지형 마늘의 적지기준 설정연구)

  • Choi, Won Jun;Kim, Yong Seok;Shim, Kyo Moon;Hur, Jina;Jo, Sera;Kang, Mingu
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.23 no.4
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    • pp.366-373
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    • 2021
  • This study attempted to establish a field data-based write analysis standard by analyzing field observation data, which is non-linear data of southern garlic. Five regions, including Goheung, Namhae, Sinan, Changnyeong, and Haenam, were selected for analysis. Observation values for each observation station were extracted from the temperature data of farmland in the region through inverse distance weighted. Southern-type garlic production and temperature data were collected for 10 years, from 2010 to 2019. Local regression analysis (Kernel) of the obtained data was performed, and growth temperatures were analyzed, such as 0.8 (18.781℃), 0.9 (18.930℃), 1.0 (19.542℃), 1.1 (20.165℃), and 1.2 (21.042℃) depending on the bandwidth. The analyzed optimum temperature and the grown temperature (4℃/25℃) were applied to extract the growth temperature for each temperature by using the temperature response model analysis. Regression analysis and correlation analysis were performed between the analyzed growth temperature and production data. The coefficient of determination(R2) was analyzed as 0.325 to 0.438, and in the correlation analysis, the correlation coefficient of 0.57 to 0.66 was analyzed at the significance probability 0.001 level. Overall, as the bandwidth increased, the coefficient of determination was higher. However, in all analyses except bandwidth 1.0, it was analyzed that all variables were not used due to bias. The purpose of this study is to accommodate all data through non-linear data. It was analyzed that bandwidth 1.0 with a high coefficient of determination while accepting modeling as a whole is the most suitable.

A Preservation of Traditional Landscape through Co-Prosperity in Local Communities - In Case of "Terraced Paddy Fields of Gacheon Village, Namhae", Scenic Site - (지역공동체 상생을 통한 전통경관 보전방안 - 명승 남해 가천마을 다랑이 논을 사례로 -)

  • Kim, Dong-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.2
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    • pp.14-23
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to preserve the sustainable traditional landscape of the "Terraced Paddy Fields of Gacheon Village, Namhae". To this end, the changes in the traditional landscape and its factors were analyzed, and a conservation plan was sought to coexist with local communities. The results are as follows; First, the traditional scenery of "Terraced Paddy Fields of Gacheon Village, Namhae" is characterized by stonework built on a steep topography to secure cultivated land and narrow rice fields. To this end, local communities have maintained the traditional landscape through their long-established traditional knowledge, but after the designation of cultural heritage, the unique landscape of the "Terraced Paddy Fields of Gacheon Village, Namhae" changed as standardized stone construction methods were applied. Recently, the Cultural Heritage Administration recognized these problems and returned to the direct repair system of local communities, so cultivated land is regaining the scenery of the past. Second, the factors that changed the traditional landscape of the "Terraced Paddy Fields of Gacheon Village, Namhae" were largely found to be a decrease in voluntary conservation consciousness, a limited management range of preservation society, a decrease in agricultural population, and a lack of skilled traditional skills. After the designation of cultural heritage, expectations for policy support by the state or local governments accelerated the damage as existing farmland was neglected, and the lack of agricultural population also resulted in the same result. The preservation society is making efforts to preserve it, but the phenomenon of excessive and insufficient management personnel is intensifying. Conflicts between residents due to profit polarization have spread to the problem of escalating. In addition, there are concerns about the loss of traditional knowledge such as step farming technology and stone construction functions. Third, to suggest a win-win plan with local communities for preserving the traditional landscape, it is necessary to seek the ways to expand farming participants and generate profits through the placement of professional careers and public-private linkage system. In addition, it is desirable to improve the profit distribution system through the preservation society to strengthen the management authority and induce participation. And a support system is required for education on the transmission of terraced farming technology and stone construction functions.

Study on Causes and Countermeasures for the Mass Death of Fish in Reservoirs in Andong-si (안동시 저수지에서의 대량 어류 폐사에 대한 원인과 대책에 관한 연구)

  • Su Ho Bae;Sun Jin Hwang;Youn Jung Kim;Cheol Ho Jeong;Seong Yun Kim;Keon Sang Ryoo
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.52-62
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    • 2023
  • This study focused on determining the specific causes and prevention methods of mass fish deaths occurred in five reservoirs (Gagugi, Neupgokgi, Danggokgi, Sagokji, and Hangokji) in Andong-si. For this purpose, a survey of agricultural land and livestock in the upper part of the reservoirs and analysis of water quality in the reservoir irrespective of whether it rains or not were conducted. We attempted to examine the changes in dissolved oxygen (DO) in the surface and bottom layers of reservoirs and changes in DO depending on the amount of livestock compost and time. Based on the above investigations, treatment plans were established to efficiently control the inflow of contaminated water into reservoirs. The rainfall and farmland areas in the upper part of the reservoir were investigated using Google and aviation data provided by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transport. The current status of livestock farms distributed around the reservoirs was also examined because compost from these farms can flow into the reservoir when it rains. Various water quality parameters, such as phosphate phosphorus (PO4-P) and ammonium nitrogen (NH3-N), were analyzed and compared for each reservoir during the rainy season. Changes in the DO concentration and electrical conductivity (EC) were also observed at the inlet of the reservoir during raining using an automated instrument. In addition, DO was measured until the concentration reached 0 ppm in 10 min by adding livestock compost at various concentrations (0.05%, 0.1%, 0.3%, and 0.5% by wt.), where the concentration of the livestock compost represents the relative weight of rainwater. The DO concentration in the surface layer of reservoirs was 3.7 to 5.3 ppm, which is sufficient for fish survival. However, the fish could not survive at the bottom layer with DO concentration of 0.0-2.1 ppm. When the livestock compost was 0.3%, DO required 10-19 h to reach 0 ppm. Considering these results, it was confirmed that the DO in the bottom layer of the reservoir could easily change to an anaerobic state within 24 h when the livestock compost in the rainwater exceeds 0.3%. The results show that the direct cause of fish mortality is the inflow of excessive livestock compost into reservoirs during the first rainfall in spring. All the surveyed reservoirs had relatively good topographical features for the inflow of compost generated from livestock farms. This keeps the bottom layer of the reservoir free of oxygen. Therefore, to prevent fish death due to insufficient DO in the reservoir, measures should be undertaken to limit the amount of livestock compost flowing into the reservoir within 0.3%, which has been experimentally determined. As a basic countermeasure, minerals such as limestone, dolomite, and magnesia containing calcium and magnesium should be added to the compost of livestock farms around the reservoir. These minerals have excellent pollutant removal capabilities when sprayed onto the compost. In addition, measures should be taken to prevent fish death according to the characteristics of each reservoir.

Fossil Saline Groundwater and Their Flushing Out At Gilsan Stream Catchment in the Western Coastal Area of Seocheon, Korea (서천 해안지역 길산천 소유역에서의 고염분 지하수와 씻김 현상)

  • Sang-Ho Moon;Yoon Yeol Yoon;Jin-Yong Lee
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.55 no.6
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    • pp.671-687
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    • 2022
  • It has been reported that about 47% of groundwater wells within 10 km from the coastline in the western/southern coastal areas of Korea were affected by seawater. It has been interpreted that the cause of groundwater salinization is seawater intrusion. The Gilsan stream in the Seocheon area was a tidal stream until the Geumgang estuary dam was constructed and operated. Therefore, it is likely that the Gilsan stream catchment was deposited with sediments containing high-saline formation water prior to the use of landfill farmland at this catchment area. The groundwater in this study area showed EC values ranging from 111 to 21,000 µS/cm, and the water quality types were diverse including Ca(or Na)-HCO3, Ca(or Na)-HCO3(Cl), Na-Cl(HCO3), Na-Cl types. It is believed that this diversity of water quality is due to the mixing of seawater and fresh groundwater generated by infiltration of precipitation and surface water through soil and weathered part. In this study, we discussed whether this water quality diversity and the presence of saline groundwater are due to present seawater intrusion or to remnant high-saline pore water in sediments during flushing out process. For this, rain water, surface water, seawater, and groundwater were compared regarding the water quality characteristics, tritium content, oxygen/hydrogen stable isotopic composition, and 87Sr/86Sr ratio. The oxygen/hydrogen stable isotopic compositions indicated that water composition of saline groundwaters with large EC values are composed of a mixture of those of fresh groundwater and surface water. Also, the young groundwater estimated by tritium content has generally higher NO3 content. All these characteristics showed that fresh groundwater and surface water have continued to affect the high-saline groundwater quality in the study area. In addition, considering the deviation pattern in the diagrams of Na/Cl ratio versus Cl content and SAR (sodium adsorption ratio) versus Cl content, in which two end members of fresh surface-ground water and seawater are assumed, it is interpreted that the groundwater in the study area is not experiencing present seawater intrusion, but flush out and retreating from ancient saline formation water.

Development of Strategies to Improve Water Quality of the Yeongsan River in Connection with Adaptation to Climate Change (기후변화의 적응과 연계한 영산강 수질개선대책 개발)

  • Yong Woon Lee;Won Mo Yang;Gwang Duck Song;Yong Uk Ryu;Hak Young Lee
    • Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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    • v.56 no.3
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    • pp.187-195
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    • 2023
  • Almost all of the water from agricultural dams located to the upper of the Yeongsan river is supplied as irrigation water for farmland and thus is not discharged to the main stream of the river. Also, most of the irrigation water does not return to the river after use, adding to the lack of flow in the main stream. As a result, the water quality and aquatic health of the river have become the poorest among the four major rivers in Korea. Therefore, in this study, several strategies for water quality improvement of the river were developed considering pollution reduction and flow rate increase, and their effect analysis was performed using a water quality model. The results of this study showed that the target water quality of the Yeongsan river could be achieved if flow increase strategies (FISs) are intensively pursued in parallel with pollution reduction. The reason is because the water quality of the river has been steadily improved through pollution reduction but this method is now nearing the limit. In addition, rainfall-related FISs such as dam construction and water distribution adjustment may be less effective or lost if a megadrought continues due to climate change and then rainfall does not occur for a long time. Therefore, in the future, if the application conditions for the FISs are similar, the seawater desalination facility, which is independent of rainfall, should be considered as the priority installation target among the FISs. The reason is that seawater desalination facilities can replace the water supply function of dams, which are difficult to newly build in Korea, and can be useful as a climate change adaptation facility by preventing water-related disasters in the event of a long-term megadrought.

Rapid Rural-Urban Migration and the Rural Economy in Korea (한국(韓國)의 급격(急激)한 이촌향도형(離村向都型) 인구이동(人口移動)과 농촌경제(農村經濟))

  • Lee, Bun-song
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.27-45
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    • 1990
  • Two opposing views prevail regarding the economic impact of rural out-migration on the rural areas of origin. The optimistic neoclassical view argues that rapid rural out-migration is not detrimental to the income and welfare of the rural areas of origin, whereas Lipton (1980) argues the opposite. We developed our own alternative model for rural to urban migration, appropriate for rapidly developing economies such as Korea's. This model, which adopts international trade theories of nontraded goods and Dutch Disease to rural to urban migration issues, argues that rural to urban migration is caused mainly by two factors: first, the unprofitability of farming, and second, the decrease in demand for rural nontraded goods and the increase in demand for urban nontraded goods. The unprofitability of farming is caused by the increase in rural wages, which is induced by increasing urban wages in booming urban manufacturing sectors, and by the fact that the cost increases in farming cannot be shifted to consumers, because farm prices are fixed worldwide and because the income demand elasticity for farm products is very low. The demand for nontraded goods decreases in rural and increases in urban areas because population density and income in urban areas increase sharply, while those in rural areas decrease sharply, due to rapid rural to urban migration. Given that the market structure for nontraded goods-namely, service sectors including educational and health facilities-is mostly in monopolistically competitive, and that the demand for nontraded goods comes only from local sources, the urban service sector enjoys economies of scale, and can thus offer services at cheaper prices and in greater variety, whereas the rural service sector cannot enjoy the advantages offered by scale economies. Our view concerning the economic impact of rural to urban migration on rural areas of origin agrees with Lipton's pessimistic view that rural out-migration is detrimental to the income and welfare of rural areas. However, our reasons for the reduction of rural income are different from those in Lipton's model. Lipton argued that rural income and welfare deteriorate mainly because of a shortage of human capital, younger workers and talent resulting from selective rural out-migration. Instead, we believe that rural income declines, first, because a rapid rural-urban migration creates a further shortage of farm labor supplies and increases rural wages, and thus reduces further the profitability of farming and, second, because a rapid rural-urban migration causes a further decline of the rural service sectors. Empirical tests of our major hypotheses using Korean census data from 1966, 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985 support our own model much more than the neoclassical or Lipton's models. A kun (county) with a large out-migration had a smaller proportion of younger working aged people in the population, and a smaller proportion of highly educated workers. But the productivity of farm workers, measured in terms of fall crops (rice) purchased by the government per farmer or per hectare of irrigated land, did not decline despite the loss of these youths and of human capital. The kun having had a large out-migration had a larger proportion of the population in the farm sector and a smaller proportion in the service sector. The kun having had a large out-migration also had a lower income measured in terms of the proportion of households receiving welfare payments or the amount of provincial taxes paid per household. The lower incomes of these kuns might explain why the kuns that experienced a large out-migration had difficulty in mechanizing farming. Our policy suggestions based on the tests of the currently prevailing hypotheses are as follows: 1) The main cause of farming difficulties is not a lack of human capital, but the in­crease in production costs due to rural wage increases combined with depressed farm output prices. Therefore, a more effective way of helping farm economies is by increasing farm output prices. However, we are not sure whether an increase in farm output prices is desirable in terms of efficiency. 2) It might be worthwhile to attempt to increase the size of farmland holdings per farm household so that the mechanization of farming can be achieved more easily. 3) A kun with large out-migration suffers a deterioration in income and welfare. Therefore, the government should provide a form of subsidization similar to the adjustment assistance provided for international trade. This assistance should not be related to the level of farm output. Otherwise, there is a possibility that we might encourage farm production which would not be profitable in the absence of subsidies. 4) Government intervention in agricultural research and its dissemination, and large-scale social overhead projects in rural areas, carried out by the Korean government, might be desirable from both efficiency and equity points of view. Government interventions in research are justified because of the problems associated with the appropriation of knowledge, and government actions on large-scale projects are justified because they required collective action.

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Location and Construction Characteristics of Imdaejeong Wonlim based on Documentation (기문(記文)을 중심으로 고찰한 임대정원림(臨對亭園林)의 입지 및 조영 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Park, Tae-Hee;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyoun-Wuk
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.14-26
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    • 2011
  • Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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