• Journal of Families and Better Life
• /
• v.22 no.5
• /
• pp.133-147
• /
• 2004

Korean funeral customs are an important part of the mourning process in Korea. A survey was conducted in the southern part by the Nak-dong river, centered around the city of Busan to examine Korean funeral rites. This study was conducted with survey research. The target population included 234 teachers and experienced the death of a family member within the last three years. Results showed that they presented their condolences 5 to 6 times on average per year. Funeral rites were performed usually at a hospital funeral hall. The preference of burial to cremation was about the same. According to the survey, funeral expenses averaged 9,570,000 won and donations received for funeral expenses, 12,630,000 won. Problems the respondents expressed about the process included large funeral expenses, the decision whether to bury or cremate, and fatigue from staying up all night. When classified according to the demographic characteristics, there were significant differences in the variables. Frequency of attending funerals depended on gender, age, and health status. Condolence style depended on religion. The type of funeral (burial or cremation) depended on family income. The type of reception depended on gender. Funeral expenses depended on the age Second, in the process of preparing for a family member's death, they thought it was important to prepare a funeral ceremony portrait of the deceased and a scroll by themselves, and the preparation

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
• /
• v.23 no.2 s.98
• /
• pp.235-244
• /
• 2007

This study was performed to investigate Seoul undergraduate students' thoughts on funeral rites and sacrificial rituals as well as ritual foods. A total of 542 students offered answers that the importance of sacrificial rituals was connected to filial piety for the ancestor, the customs descended from the past, and the belief that descendents received fortunes. The students didn't know the funeral rites process, but acknowledged they needed to know funeral rites, and would perform their parents' sacrificial rituals. We also found that students whose hometowns were Gangwondo and Jejudo were familiar with sacrificial rituals foods as well as their preparation and cooking. Also, the older the students, the better they knew the funeral rites process, sacrificial rituals and ritual foods. There were great differences in sacrificial rituals according to parent and student religions. Buddhists knew the most about funeral rites and sacrificial rituals, followed by Roman Catholics and agnostics. Protestant Christians were not interested in sacrificial rituals. The funeral rites process and the handing down of sacrificial ritual foods had significant differences based on sibling number. The more brothers and sisters in a family, the more committed they were to performing their parents' sacrificial rituals and the higher their interest in sacrificial ritual foods.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
• /
• v.23 no.1 s.97
• /
• pp.140-149
• /
• 2007

This study investigated the thoughts of undergraduate students in Seoul about the birth rites and wedding ceremony and their foods. Among 524 students who were surveyed, 299 students answered that the meaning of the first birthday rites was for special memory, followed by the child's future and family's harmonies. 248 desired birth rites to remain unchanged and 150 desired extravagance and waste to be reduced. Regarding wedding ceremony, 328 answered that changes are necessary in wedding ceremony gifts. Next, process in wedding ceremony and bridegroom's gift box should be changed, Most of the students didn't know clearly the foods of the one hundredth birthday and the first birthday; nevertheless they considered the birth rites to be necessary. Regarding wedding ceremony, half of the students knew the process and half didn't. Two hundred students answered they knew ordinarily about the foods of wedding ceremony. There were no significant differences in hometown about foods of wedding ceremony. In parent's religions, there were no differences about gifts & foods offered by the bride. The Buddhist students knew well about the birth rites' foods and considered birth rites to be necessary. The correlation of parents' work and student's major and passage rites showed that professional parents knew well about birth rites' foods but religious believers didn't know well. Students majoring in natural science were not concerned with birth rites and thought that they were unnecessary and they didn't know about wedding ceremony process and foods. Knowledge about birth rites increased with increasing number of siblings. Large families were interested in birth rites and knew well about the wedding process, wedding ceremony foods and gift & foods offered by the bride.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
• /
• v.24 no.6
• /
• pp.801-810
• /
• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• Industry Promotion Research
• /
• v.9 no.2
• /
• pp.163-174
• /
• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
• /
• v.34 no.1
• /
• pp.53-62
• /
• 2018

Bulcheonwi is determined by various ways. The first is certified by the state. Kings granted posthumous names to figures such as meritorious retainers, figures whose mortuary tablets were put into Jongmyo Shrine, and venerated figures with erudition and virtue whose mortuary tablets were put into Munmyo (Korean primary Confucian shrine The purpose of this study is to understand the spatial perception of Main head families (大宗家) and Sub head families (小宗家) have been divided for several centuries. This study was conducted under the assumption that it was possible to understand the mutual influence and relationship between perception and space by examining how methods for ritual ceremonies held in Main head families were conducted in different spaces of Sub head families or the process of ritual ceremonies changed with space. Bulcheonwi rites was performed by each family's own concepts of spaces such as Jeongchim or Cheongsa For actual ritual space, An-chae, Sarang-Chae and Byeoldang was utilized. This shows that one family's conception and utilization of each space was correspondent also different family s had their own idea of utilizing different spaces. In addition depends on the family in this study, there was differences on positon of Sa-dang upon the regions or time of construction. This can be concluded as familes had their own accommodations depends on building's space layout and traditons rather than following traditional Rites book's the rules of decorum.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
• /
• v.30 no.6
• /
• pp.103-114
• /
• 2012

This paper aims to investigate changes in Korean family structures by reflecting on the perception of traditional family rites and family systems. In-depth interviews were conducted with 17 married middle-aged men (9) and women (8) who had at least one child. Findings were as follows: First, both married middle aged men and women internalized Confucianism. They thought that the head of household, who was male as far as possible, was needed for the formation of a normal family. In addition, both of married middle-aged men and women recognized married women as outsiders based on Chul-ga-we-in-sa-sang. And they put parents-children relationships ahead of couple relationships and supported Jang-ja-woo-dae-sang-sok (privileging the eldest son over the other children in terms of the distribution of family resources and inheritance based on Confucianism). However, there were some differences to support the use of Hang-ryul-ja, which is based on expressing the character of generation by sharing the first name, and the importance of Jok-bo. which is based on traditional family genealogical records. Second, even though women internalized Confucianism, they did not attach traditional meanings to memorial services for ancestors to the extent that men did and defined family members as a procreation family boundaries unlike men, who defined family boundary as original family members and procreation family members. In conclusion, even though family laws and culture have evolved from the patrilineal family system to one which promotes gender equality, married men and women internalize Confucianism. Instead, some transformations are evident from the perspective of females in terms of memorial services for ancestors and family boundaries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.29 no.6
• /
• pp.488-498
• /
• 2014

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family's food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to beaware of the definition of head family or 'The eldest's house of head family' as well as the concept of one's family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as 'head family's food' in younger generations and as 'eldest son' in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as 'succession of tradition' and 'cultural symbols' in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded 'hallmark of the head family'. Family ancestral rites and head family's food had positive effects on awareness of head family's food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family's food should be more popular. People who viewed family's food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family's food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family's food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family's food to the public.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.416-427
• /
• 2010

In this study, we attempted to elucidate the cultural characteristics of Korean food based on a traditional understanding on the Korean novel. To achieve this, food characteristics related to 'rites of passage' were analyzed in the representative Korean literary work "Hon-bool", which describes the life of a first-son's wife every three generations in the going to ruin but historic 'Lee's family of Maean district' family and the life of the common 'Geomeong-gul' people who lived with farming on the Lee's land at Namwon of Junbook province in the 1930~1940s, during the Japanese Colonial rule. Every nation possesses rites of passage at important points in life, such as at birth, age of majority, wedding and death. Korean culture, in particular, has several memorial rites relating to birth, death and passage into the afterlife in which special foods are prepared. In this manner, ceremonial foods represent the Korean peoples' traditional vision of the universe and life. The book "Hon-bool" describes these traditions. Especially, the book describes the table-settings related to the main character's childbirth, first birthday, wedding and death. Therefore "Hon-bool" represents a living history of Korean traditional food and the work of storytelling through the traditional understanding is expected that perform an important role in making of cultural contents of Korean foods.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.42-49
• /
• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.