• Journal of the Korea society of information convergence
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.41-48
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• 2014

Capitalism of altitude in modern society has brought a brilliant development of human civilization. But there is a side effect of capitalism. It is just such as alienation of labor, polarization. The need to consider the worker's equal rights to share profits of private companies in the first Korean Constitution of 1948 is to mitigate the adverse effects of this capitalism. It is considered that the present government aims at "economic democracy" slogan and also be matched. The worker's equal rights to share profits of private companies means the distribution rights of workers to receive excess profits of the company. The review of these worker's equal rights to share profits of private companies is thought very meaningful.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.275-305
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• 2006

The main research question of this paper is as follows: How can broadcasting both cause the crisis in democratic participation and yet also offer the solution? The contradiction in broadcast localism has never been adequately resolved in spite of regulation at all in practice, in that localism simply cannot account for the diversity of modern life and for the external forces that incorporate local communities into much larger economic and communications network. The concept of locality in local television, however, has been multiplied and enlarged in order to adjust to "time-space compression". Recently the local television have been "interface" combining and negotiating the globalization of media market and the decentralization of political power, the economies of scale and the activation of local democracy, consequently aiming at the horizontal-cooperative network instead of old vertical-dependent one.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

This paper seeks to analyze how the welfare state has developed both in the Kim Young Sam government and in the Kim Dae Jung government. Among other things, the two governments share some similarities: compared to the previous authoritarian governments, both of them enjoyed a high level of democratic legitimacy; the two were under pressure to win the elections to acquire and remain in power; and finally, the two tried to strengthen welfare system. But there exist more critical differences. The Kim Dae Jung government was a minority government, while the Kim Young Sam government was a majority one. Compared to the latter one, the former came to power in an extremely bad economic condition. Fortunately, however, the Kim Dae Jung government was able to enjoy a relatively high level of state autonomy resulting from an exceptional situation of foreign currency crisis. In addition, it was more reformist in policy orientation and had a more open cooperative network with civil society. All these differences added up to produce remarkable differences with regard to the improvement in welfare development. Especially, it is noted that the Kim Dae Jung government was very successful in several respects: provision of national minimum, integration of national medical insurance, development of productive welfare system, and final1y increase in welfare spending. Recently, criticisms from the opposition party, the press, and middle and upper class people mount against the Kim Dae Jung government which has made significant mistakes in instituting the separation of medical and pharmaceutical businesses. However, the important improvements in welfare institutions and programs by the Kim Dae Jung government need to be maintained to deal with all the negative effects of a naked market economy. They must also be sustained to keep alive democracy that Korean people have fought for nearly half a century.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.11-18
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• 2015

Our country is a nation accomplished the economic growth and democracy at the same time on the bases of human capitals. However, the laborers as human capitals are aging as well due to the population aging. These aging phenomena are impacting on our country's economy, society, and through the culture. It seems to increase the proportion of the elderly in the labor market of private security caused by continuously increasing the number of elderly employees in long-term trend and their preferences for the security services. These changes of labor market trend may result various problems including relevant laws and systems, the changes of laborers' ability, increase of crimes and so on. To prevent such potential problems, firstly the limits of maximum working hours of elderly private guards have to be set up, and the rest times for them must be secured. Furthermore, the declines of elderly laborers' abilities have to be reduced through the systematic educations relevant to their jobs to cover the rapidly declining elderly laborers' physical abilities. Lastly, the increase of crimes should be reduced through the education contents to be able to arouse their attentions by extending the time of job training and informing of criminal cases.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.89-97
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• 2016

Purpose - In the major global markets, such as US and China, consumer ethnocentrism has been strengtened and there is a growing need for related study. This research aims to investigate the effects of national pride and national attachment on consumer ethnocentrism, using a nationally representative dataset from 2013 Korean General Social Survey. Based on the reviews of literature in social and political sciences, two dimensions of national pride were considered: national society pride which is based on positive evaluations on the nation's democracy condition or social security system, and national achievement pride which is based on positive evaluations regarding the country's achievements in the areas of technology, art, sports, and so on. Research design, data, and methodology - The authors developed a structural model in which two types of national pride, national society and achievement pride, are proposed to affect national attachment, thus influencing consumer ethnocentrism. 1,294 surveys were used for empirical analysis. The hypotheses were tested by utilizing SPSS 22.0 and AMOS 21.0. The unidimensionality of each construct and the nomological validity were supported from the results of factor analyses and correlation analysis. Results - It was found that both national society pride and national achievement pride have significant and positive effects on national attachment. Consumers who show stronger pride on the social systems or the global achievements of Korea are more likely to remain being a citizen of the country and support the country even in wrong. Also, there was a significant and positive relationship between national attachment and consumer ethnocentrism. Korean consumers who have stronger attachment to Korea tend to express higher ethnocentrism to protect Korean labor market and to promote economic development of the country. Conclusions - The findings of this study showed that companies and government need to emphasize the country's advanced social environments or global competitiveness in technology, sports, art, and so on, to boost national attachment. With a deeper understanding on the relationships among national pride, national attachment, and consumer ethnocentrism, the authors expect that both local and foreign companies in Korea will be able to develop more effective marketing strategies and to achieve sustainable competitive advantage.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.27-36
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• 2019

The industrialization theory that industry and economic development of country has an important influence on the development of the welfare state had become a major theory explaining the development of the welfare state. However, the theory of industrialization faced criticism that the size of public welfare was relatively weak even in advanced industrial countries where industrialization developed. To complement and explain these limitations, The theory of democracy that the welfare state could be expanded as a strategy for election competition, and the theory of power-resources theory that welfare states could develop when the power of unions and left parties demanding welfare states were strengthened. This study uses Fuzzy-set analysis for the data of OECD countries adding industrial structure variables to existing theory of the development of welfare state. The result suggests that the proportion of manufacture such as industry structure of country is important for the development of welfare state.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-106
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine the concept and definition of fake news focusing on misinformation/false information and is to examine the ways in which our society can respond to the distortion of social reality and damage to democracy caused by information distortion such as fake news. To do this, the concept of fake news was examined based on the level of facticity and intention to device, and our social environment in which fake news was created and spread was examined from the perspective of datafication. In this environment, the library community, which plays a pivotal role in human access to and use of information, argued that it should strive to establish and provide universal literacy education in order to realize the Sustainable Development Goals of the UN 2030 agenda. The core of universal literacy education is to understand the society by investigating and analyzing data communication types according to the degree of datafication and the political, economic, social, and cultural background of society. For this reason, it was concluded that universal literacy should be implemented flexibly according to the degree of datafiation and users of each society.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.1-55
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• 2019

In Brazil, racism exists without the clear definition of race. In other words, because there is racism without a clear concept of race, racial issues are complicated in Brazil. Racism is not just a social problem. It is, above all, a political problem that arises from economic separation, exclusion, and marginalization. From the enlargement process of European colonialism, racism has been the most profound and efficient way of governance of social, material, psychological and political domination of Brazil. From this perspective, this study seeks to research racism in Brazil as a race politics. In conclusion, racial discrimination and racial inequality exist in Brazil. Thus, to study the racial discrimination and racial inequalities in Brazil, Chapter 2 examines the origins of racial politics in Brazil. Chapter 3 explores the relations of Brazilian society and races. Chapter 4 examines Black's resistance to racism as a black movement in Brazil. The first half of Chapter 5 looks at 'racial inequality in Brazil' and the latter sees 'racism in Brazil'. Chapter 6, as a conclusion, discusses the challenges and limitations of racial politics in Brazil.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.221-254
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• 2020

This paper finds a solution in the social context which cannot be explained thoroughly by well-timed release date, revival of comedy films, and the attraction of Lee Byeong-heon's comedy etc. while it throws question of how the film, Extreme Job captivated 16 million audience. The incredible hits of Extreme Job cannot be explained by analyzing the text alone. After this essay investigates a function and a role of comedy as a public sphere, it examines people's desires and wishes in the comedy and other genres since 2008 when the conservative government has seized power. Since 2008 a series of dark tone's action thriller, social problem film, and disaster film have emerged, these genres showed absence of public security, crisis of democracy and criticism against rulling class. On the other hand, hit comedy films have showed escapism such as weepie, nostalgia, and fantasy at the same time, generally. Although Veteran (2015) is not full-blown comedy, after this film's big success, "comic mode" has gradually revived. A light tone's films which are truer to genre rules has started representing the wishes of people toward social reforms and changes. Meanwhile, "Candlelight Protest" served as a momentum to recover the democracy which has been in crisis, but it could not lead changes in economic and daily lives. Exreme Job can be read as a question how we will survive since "Candlight Protest." The lives of detectives as self-employed workers who has taken over a fried chicken restaurant for going undercover are appearances of ordinary persons who must survive in the edless conpetition. Furthermore, this film shows a dream of a "great success myth" which becomes well-known as a famous restaurant and a self-management such as brand-naming and an exapansion of franchise business. We can read ganster's chicken franchises as a huge distribution industry which disturbs market system by delivering drugs secretly. While applauses that we give to the police having identities of self-employed workers which sweeps the ganster are giving support to oridinary neighborhood like us, they are also wishes of people who long for the restoration of publicness of police in the market which is becoming increasingly privatized today. A significance of this essay is to examine Extreme Job in terms of the geography of film genres and the revival of comic mode sicne 2008 at the macro level, and is to read the film in the perspective of the problems of economic and daily lives which has been still unsolved since "Candlelight Protest" at the micro level.