• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.5-32
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• 2017

5.18 Gwangju Democratization Movement was approved as a legal democratization movement by president Kim Young Sam in May 1993 and was approved as a global recording inheritance by UNESCO in May 2011 for the honor of Gwangju citizens to be restored. However, assessment on this until today after 35 years of occurrence is not nationally unified and the mind of Gwangju maybe only remembered as pride by Gwangju. There are several factors of this continuing situation but this researcher thinks the biggest factor is that professionals reanalyzing the truth ascertainment fitting spirit of the times who are in charge of citizen education are intensively distributed in Jeolla-do and Seoul. Moreover, the journal unlikely assessing 5.18 have enemies in the assailant area during activity that unity is not taking place with divided assessments and trapped in Honam. This study judges that the reason the meaning of 5.18 is trapped in Honam and not nationally unified is because of the limit of "adversary system." Especially researchers who should analyze and explain this incident in a objective views are bias distributed (Gwangju Jeolla-do> Seoul>Gyeongnam) in hometown areas that the possibility of 5.18 meaning not being unified was focused. Academic research studies, journal writers, and publication locations are divided in this study to reveal they are bias distributed and reveal that there is possibility that this biased distribution of researches are becoming obstacles in overcoming regionality.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.65-89
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• 2001

We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives opened temporarily at SungKongHoe University(SKHU), have currently collected about 100,000 recorded materials of democratization movement related with labor, farmer, civilian, human rights, peace, unification, young people, student and women's movements by investigating, collecting and receiving donations from civil organizations and individuals, and about 70,000 data out of this 100,000 data were converted into computer files. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp) at SKHU has a significance in that it is the first archive opened by an organization. Furthermore, the opening of this Archive means the expansion of awareness on recording culture and accumulation of the achievements of the democratization movement in Korea. However, many obstacles still remain in the establishment of this Archive in a full-scale. This article examined many theoretical and realistic obstacles posed to the archivists, who are the professionals responsible for record management, in process of establishing the Archive, and the role and future perspectives of the archivists at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp). The first obstacles in the process of organizing and separating the recorded materials at the Archive is a difficulty in the description of classifying the different movement organizations. The second obstacle is a difficulty in specifically applying the international standard, ISAD(G), of record description in the process of establishing the description items. Through many trials and errors, we need to try to confirm the description befitting. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives through continuous adjustment and complementary measures. The third obstacle is a difficulty in estimating the range and physical and quantitative amount of the recorded materials since the collection of recorded materials is complete. Thus, the answers to these problems lie in continuous efforts to establish a creative classification system befitting the democratization movement in Korea in the process of many trials and errors and endeavor. The evaluation classification done by archivists is a creative act forming record heritage, and archivists need to form record heritage reflecting the evaluation system of a certain period. Moreover, they transmit the shape of the current era in a maximum scale to the future by using the minimum amount of records. An archivist is responsible for two tasks, i.e., preserving a record and making other people to utilize the record by working with record. However, We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp), have an additional task of contributing to the democratization movement in korea that has not ended by collecting, preserving and making people to utilize the fragments of memory in the recent history of Korea by establishing the Archives.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.2
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• pp.77-101
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• 2000

This paper seeks to activate the discussion on the 'University and College Archives', which are to be established under the provision of 'the Law on the management of the records of public institutions' which are going to be enforced from 2000. For this purpose, we need to know about the university archives: what is university archives, how that was developed, and what's the meaning of university archives in academic society. Because we can find out exactly the flaw of the discussion on university archives, having been discussed nowadays, get to know the problems, and can seek the desirable directions to establish university archives through the understanding of the basic characteristics of university archives. The understanding of the general public on the preservation of public records has rapidly improved so that there should be no objection to the premise that we need to preserve, manage, and utilize public records in order to let democracy take root in our society. In the same vein, to preserve the historical records of the university which had played a leading role in the democratization of our society will serve as a foundation to fix the identity of the university by recognizing the socio-political functions of the university and culture of it in this rapidly changing society. And the records to be preserved in the archives, especially university archives, which include various aspects of the university and students, will promote the democratization of the university itself which has been questioned in several universities recently.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.14-27
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• 2019

This study presents a plan for a memorial park that respects the characteristics based on the historical facts for the concept of space of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army and the location of the 505 Security Forces, which were designated as historic sites after the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The Gwangju Metropolitan City as it is the location of the 5-18 historic sites, is taking part in the 5-18 Memorial Project, and plans to establish a city park recognizing the historic site of the 5-18 Democratization Movement, which has been preserved only as a memory space to this point. The park is promoting a phased development plan. This study suggests that the 5-18 historic sites can be modernized and that social consensus can establish the framework of the step-by-step planning and composition process to ensure the plans for the space heals wounds while preserving the history. In this paper, we propose a solution to a problem. We solve the approach for space utilization through an analysis of precedent research and planning cases related to park planning at historical sites. In addition to exploring the value of the site, we also describe the space utilization strategy that covers the historical characteristics and facts while maintaining the concept of park planning. As a result of the research, the historic site of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army is planned as a park of historical memory and healing in order to solve the problems left behind by the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The historic site of the 505 Security Forces was selected as an area for historical experiences and a place for learning that can be sympathized with by future generations of children and adolescents in terms of expanding and sustaining the memory of the 5-18 Democratization Movement. In the planning stage, the historical sites suggested the direction of space utilization for representation as did the social consensus of citizens, related groups, and specialists. Through this study, we will contribute to construction of a memorial park containing historical values in from 5-18 historic sites. It is meaningful to suggest a direction that can revitalize the life of the city as well as its citizen and can share with the history with future generations beyond being a place to heal wounds and keep alive the memory of the past.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.157-169
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• 2015

This study focuses on Korea films of historical communication. Narrative analysis was conducted on the films in 2000s including , and <26 Years> that mainly have dealt with the 'Gwangju Democratization Movement'. As a result of the syntagmatic analysis, these films try to stabilize 'social imbalances' in the aspect of individuals and conceals issues of social structure. In addition, the result of paradigmatic analysis reveals that textual factors of 'active involvement of female characters', 'continuity of history through the survivors' demonstrate its strategies to publicize the historical truth. Consequently these films show its limitations that weakens historical meaning by placing unsolved problems of social structure as well as the love story. But rather than describing it as a history of the past, these films act as a catalyst to bring thins specific historical issue to our present lives and publicize it as a current issue. Therefore, the historical film not only allows current generation to remind to history but also to provide an opportunity to publicize the important issues of social structure in the present society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.151-170
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• 2019

This study deals with the rent-seeking behavior that exist in cultural voucher from the viewpoint of culture and arts management. Art organizations open to consumers, producers and governments of the arts are dependent on the internal and external influence of an open system. Researcher has found rent-seeking in the course of introducing policies and legalization of the cultural voucher business which has been promoted in the direction of democratization of culture or cultural democracy. Cultural voucher business is a legal term. Although the government has increased the budget or tried to change the policies of the cultural voucher business, the implementation of the cultural voucher business has been opposed to the diversity of consumption and equity as the consumption of genre and the concentration of the capital region have increased. These results were structurally related to the process of legalization and rent-seeking behavior in bureaucracy. This study reaffirms that the efficient operation standard of the cultural voucher business is a balance between the choice of the beneficiary, the competition of the supplier, and access to the cultural voucher. And the theory of rent-seeking was applied as a criterion to analyze this balance. Thus, it is suggested that the criteria of evaluation and improvement to check the conservativeness of bureaucrats are needed to establish a legal system applied to the purpose of 'cultural democracy' and 'democratization of culture' ideology and to guarantee individual creativity and autonomy.