• Journal of the Speleological Society of Korea
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• no.95
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• pp.35-49
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• 2009

Ever since the beginning of time, caves not only have offered a place to live for humans but they have also been used as cultural spaces. That is, in the event of making some sounds in a location within the cave, the sound that is created is greatly magnified and sounds out as if it is being amplified from a giant megaphone. This, as we well know it, is known as the resonance effect. Here, the cave itself appears to function as a massive wind instrument. Especially in cases like the Altamira Cave (Spain) where cave paintings were found, the point where the cave drawings were found has commonalities in that it is a wide space and that it is usually discovered together with flutes and drums that are made with mammoth bones. We need to focus on this point. We can infer from these facts that the prehistoric people have carried out cultural activities along with their incantation rituals within those caves. In the meantime, amongst the Korean traditional arts, in the case of pansori which is a representative vocal genre, there have been examples where caves were used as practicing locations for those people who are training to perfect their singing. This is known as toguldoggong(土窟獨功) which literally means 'obtaining one's own art by oneself in the earth cave by practicing incessantly'. This process along with pokpodoggong (瀑布獨功) (same as above except that the location is by the waterfall) is the final training stage in order to become a recognized virtuoso on the part of the apprentice. This could be compared to the final annealing and finishing process of producing a metalwork. This has been a long tradition followed by most Korean traditional artists in order to perfect their sound which is harmonious with nature within natural surroundings. By honing in on this point, I have come to think about this matter repeatedly while coaching the university students in vocal singing. In short, I came to the conclusion that "the making of natural sounds will be obtained naturally within natural surroundings like caves!" Consequently, The Society for Studying Cave Sounds was inaugurated on January 1992 along with some of my students. We made use of times like vacations to go around exploring caves all over Jeju and carried out investigations of sounds along with cave exploration on an experimental basis. After 5 years, in September of 1997, we were able to host the first ever cave concert domestically at the Whale Nostril Cave(東岸鯨窟) on Wu-do. After that, we have been hosting the cave concert once every year. We have achieved a record of a total of 14 cave concerts until 2009 of this year. Out of these, 2 were held in Seokhwaeam Cave in Kangwon Province, another two were held in Manjang Cave which is a lava cave, and the remaining 10 were held in the Whale Nostril Cave of Wu-do. Along with that, I have carried out a special recording for the production of a cave music CD in May of 1999. This paper was written and organized by using the main materials that were derived from the experiences of using caves as concert halls in the past. It is hoped that this cave concert will offer a very unique experience to tourists who come to Jeju every year and give them the best possible superior natural sound effect that only Jeju caves can offer.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.24-41
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• 2013

This study aims to investigate the complex planning processes and design ideas of the Gwanghwamun Plaza which was opened in 2009. The opening of the plaza was significant as it was built in order to restore the symbolic meaning of axis in the historical Joseon Dynasty that was distorted during the Japanese Imperialism. The plaza itself attracts many citizens and tourists by providing the empty ground carrying historical ambiences around. In this paper, the story of the Gwanghwamun plaza will be summarized. Particularly, the background of promoting the project will be discussed and the whole planning process will be dealt with. The plaza was realized through several stages. First, the planning stage will be reviewed. The planning stage had been a quite long process since the initial idea was discussed. Since the early 90s, the political decision of making the plaza was made through the change of people's understanding toward public space. At this stage, the city government worked together with diverse citizens and professionals to share the vision and to realize the right decision in making the plaza. Second, the design stage will be elaborated in detail. This is the second design stage. The former was the idea competition and the latter was the turn-key base. The final design scheme emphasized the restoration of symbolic axis and the forgotten Yukjo Street. The scheme consists of four zones such as history restoration zone, prospect and history representation zone, culture zone, and the urban zone. Through the whole design process, the original idea remained as it was. The design concept was "a place of memory and prospect." It emphasizes the history representation, view corridor, cultural activities platform as well as the emptiness and flexibility of the basic premise of the plaza. Finally, the construction stage will be discussed. There were some additions and omissions in the construction process. The design chances in the construction stage will be reviewed in detail. After the opening of the plaza, there were some changes in the detail design. We will discuss how and why these modifications were made. In the end, the social and cultural implication of the plaza will be discussed. The storytelling of the Gwanghwamun Plaza will contribute to the clear understanding of planning and design process of pubic places. Based on this reflection, we are able to think about some suggestions of public projects for the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.25-35
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to re-exam of the modern values of a moat to utilize it with various functions such as a military defense on the outskirts of the castle, dividing the space by its boundary, controlling the micro-climate in the worsening modern environment with temperature rise due to climate change and habitat reduction of animals, and providing the habitat of animals to modern urban space, etc. The scope of the study is focusing on the castles with the moat installed to prevent the enemy from accessing directly to the wall using a pond or water path for military defense on the outskirts of the castle or to divide it into boundaries. In the Orient, the Nakan Eupseong, Haemi Eupseong, Gyeongju Wolseong in Korea and the Forbidden City in China, and Nijo Castle and Osaka Castle in Japan were selected. In the West, Edinburgh Castle in Britain, Blois Castle in France, Chillon Castle in Switzerland, and Frederiksborg Castle in Denmark were selected for the study. As a research method, literature research and field research were conducted. For the Orient, it was conducted in parallel with the literature research and field research. For the western, it was mainly conducted with literature research. For the literature research, the origin of the moat, the concept of the moat, the function of the moat, the history and culture of the western moat are based on the data from the related institutions and previous studies. For the Orient field research, exploring was conducted in two to three times from Jan. 2016 to Dec. 2016 in each of the target areas of Nakan Eupseong, Haemi Eupseong, Gyeongju Wolseong in Korea and the Forbidden City in China, and Nijo Castle and Osaka Castle in Japan. The contents of the research were analyzed through interviews, photographs, measurements, and observations on the function, size, and characteristics of the moat of each target. The results of this study are as follows. The moat was a structure installed to set a boundary for military defense facilities on the outskirts of a castle and it played an important role as a part of the city in the ancient times of Asia and the West through the Middle Ages. The role of the moat is gradually disappearing due to the disappearance of the purpose of military defense. However, moats are excluded from modern landscape planning, despite the fact that a moat filled with water is a hydrophilic space with great historical and cultural value such as various cultural activities and providing habitats for animals. By reflecting on the moats various functions in modern cities and utilizing it, it is expected to be utilized to bring pleasant air into the city where the circulation of air is blocked and energize the city as a hydroponic element.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.42-57
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• 2017

The Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910) had a long tradition of making official seals to commemorate the granting of official royal titles, including posthumous honorary titles, to its kings, queens, crown princes and queen dowagers. These royal seals were typically gold-plated or made of jade. After the death of its holder, each seal would be stored in the royal seal depository in the Royal Ancestral Shrine. Extensive efforts were made to restore the traditions and culture of the royal family of Joseon during the reign of King Sukjong (r. 1674~1720). In 1705, discussions were held about the royal ceremonial objects, including the royal seals, stored in the Royal Ancestral Shrine, resulting in the reproduction of a set of accessories related with the storage of royal seals and ten golden royal seals which had been lost during wars or had yet to be made. With these reproductions, each shrine chamber of the Royal Ancestral Shrine would have had at least one seal. The details of the reproduction project were meticulously recorded in The Royal Protocol by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals("金寶改造都監儀軌"). Given that the restoration project was the single event that led to the reproduction of all the golden royal seals, it is reasonable to conclude that the directorate had fulfilled a historically significant function. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the establishment of the directorate and the storage and management of the damaged royal seals. The discussion includes the manufacturing process of the golden seals, for which The Royal Protocol is compared with other similar documents in order to gain more detailed knowledge of the measurements of the turtle knob, the lost-wax casting technique, the gold plating with mercury amalgamation technique, and other ornamentation techniques. The discussion also covers the activities of the artisans who made the royal seals, based on a study of the royal protocols; the styles of the artifacts, based on an examination of the remaining examples; and the techniques used by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals to produce the royal seals in 1705.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.272-287
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• 2019

The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) was established in 1953 by the Korean War Armistice Agreement. It extends from the estuary of the Imjin River, in the west, to the coast of the East Sea. It is 4 km in width and 148 km in length. However, the ecosystems of the civilian control zone (CCZ) located between the southern border of the DMZ and the civilian control line (CCL) and the CCZ in the estuary of the Han River and the Yellow Sea are similar to those in the DMZ, and, therefore, the ecosystems of the DMZ and the CCZ are collectively known as the "ecosystems of the DMZ and its vicinities." The flora in the DMZ and its vicinities is composed of 1,864 species, which accounts for about 42% of all the vascular plant species on the Korean Peninsula and its affiliated islands. Conducting a detailed survey on the vegetation, flora, and fauna in the DMZ is almost impossible due to the presence of landmines and limitations on the time allowed to be spent in the DMZ. However, to assess the environmental impact of the Munsan-Gaesong railroad reconstruction project, it was possible to undertake a limited vegetation survey within the DMZ in 2001. The vegetation in Jangdan-myeon, in Paju City within the DMZ, was very simple. It was mostly secondary forests dominated by oaks such as Quercus mongolica, Q. acutissima, and Q. variabilis. The other half of the DMZ in Jangdan-myeon was occupied by grassland composed of tall grasses such as Miscanthus sinensis, M. sacchariflorus, and Phragmites japonica. Contrary to the expectation that the DMZ may be covered with pristine mature forests due to more than 60 years of no human interference, the vegetation in the DMZ was composed of simple secondary forests and grasslands formed on former rice paddies and agricultural fields. At present, the only legal protection system planned for the DMZ is the Natural Environment Conservation Act, which ensures that the DMZ would be managed as a nature reserve for only two years following Korean reunification. Therefore, firstly, the DMZ should be designated as a site of domestic legally protected areas such as nature reserve (natural monument), scenic site, national park, etc. In addition, we need to try to designate the DMZ as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve or as a World Heritage site, or as a Ramsar international wetland for international cooperation. For nomination as a world heritage site, we can emphasize the ecological and landscape value of the wetlands converted from the former rice paddies and the secondary forests maintained by frequent fires initiated by military activities. If the two Koreas unexpectedly reunite without any measures in place for the protection of nature in the DMZ, the conditions prior to the Korean War, such as rice paddies and villages, will return. In order to maintain the current condition of the ecosystems in the DMZ, we have to discuss and prepare for measures including the retention of mines and barbed-wire fences, the construction of roads and railroads in the form of tunnels or bridges, and the maintenance of the current fire regime in the DMZ.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.20
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• pp.151-212
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• 2009

Museums are producing new value and being redefined as places that reproduce context, as the process of globalization are being reflected in museum activities. The new additional functions and roles to the traditional mission of museums allow artworks to find potential functions of art archive and meseum. At the same time, the public has faced originality and aura of an artwork by viewing the physical subject. However, with the appearance of a new digital object, the initiative of viewing has moved over from the artwork to the hands of the public. Now, the public does not go to the museum to see an artwork, but has started to adopt to an opposite paradigm of bringing the artwork forward to the screen. Therefore, they are not satisfied any longer with just seeing an artwork, but demand more information about the artworks and reproduce it as knowledge. Therefore, this study aimed to find types and characteristics through definition and range selection of art archive at this point where the value of art archive is enhanced and systematic management is required, and to present record management methods according to art archive structure and core execution function. It especially stressed that the basis of overall art archive definition was in an 'approach' paradigm rather than a 'preservation' paradigm, and embodied various application methods of digitalized art records. The digital object of an artwork was recognized as the first materialization of an actual artwork, and the digital original of an artwork was presented as the core record. Art archive managed under physical and intellectual control were organically restructured focusing on digital original copies of artworks, which are the core record in a digital technology environment, and could be provided to users in forms of various services that meet their demands. The beginning of systematic management of such art records will become a first step to enhance historical value, establish art cultural identity, and truly possess art culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.51-82
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• 2015

Maeul-making, which is to restore inherent characteristics of maeul as a living community has been proceeded by local communities themselves since the 1990s when political democracy and local government in Korean society has been progressed in full-scale. Although New Maeul Movement has been done in the 1970s before and after, it is different from maeul-making because it was focused mainly on improving physical environments of rural communities and initiated by government. The development of maeul community archives in Korea has been related closely to such a maeul-making since the 1990s. Maeul-based community archives, maeul community archives had been begun to build as part of maeul-making and grass-root movement by the 2000s. Initiated by self-motivated communities, maeul community archives were carried out through cooperations between civic activists and residents in maeul communities and voluntary professional archivists from outside. Although records about the maeul community has been collected by mainstream cultural institutions such as public archives, museum, local historical association, and local cultural center, it was at this time to collect records of the maeul community by self-motivated local residents. This tendency of 'independent' maeul community archives, however, is currently entering upon a new phase with the city of Seoul's project (2012) to support making a maeul community, that is, the governance phase based on private-government partnership. At this point of time, it is important for maeul community archives to be built on privately-led governance model that guarantees their autonomy and at the same time bring government's knowhow and supports into them, as opposed to the way captured or driven unilaterally by government. This article explores the growth of maeul community archives and collections in Korean society through a range of self-motivated bodies; the interaction with government; and as a result of those interactions, the creation of maeul community archives based on governance. To introduce and explicate the motivations behind maeul archiving endeavors, this article will first sketch something of the historical, social, and political context in which 'maeul' communities have arisen, collapsed, and restored. It will then examine in more detail some specific examples of maeul community archives as grass-root movement of maeul community. The third section will attempt to identify the governance model of maeul community archives under the auspices of the city of Seoul and its limitations. Finally through these activities, it will suggest the ways in which maeul community archives commit themselves to their duty of grass-root movement of community and at the same time, secure sustainability, that is, concrete ways of privately initiated governance model.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.117-152
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• 2020

In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, 'religious leader,' (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci's understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God 'Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),' meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of 'Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),' meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci's understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci's contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci's ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.