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Problems in the field of maternal and child health care and its improvement in rural Korea (우리나라 농촌(農村)의 모자보건(母子保健)의 문제점(問題點)과 개선방안(改善方案))

  • Lee, Sung-Kwan
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.29-36
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    • 1976
  • Introduction Recently, changes in the patterns and concepts of maternity care, in both developing and developed countries have been accelerating. An outstanding development in this field is the number of deliveries taking place in hospitals or maternity centers. In Korea, however, more than 90% of deliveries are carried out at home with the help of untrained relatives or even without helpers. It is estimated that less than 10% of deliveries are assisted by professional persons such as a physician or a midwife. Taking into account the shortage of professional person i11 rural Korea, it is difficult to expect widespread prenatal, postnatal, and delivery care by professional persons in the near future, It is unrealistic, therefore, to expect rapid development of MCH care by professional persons in rural Korea due to economic and sociological reasons. Given these conditions. it is reasonable that an educated village women could used as a "maternity aid", serving simple and technically easy roles in the MCH field, if we could give such a women incentive to do so. The midwife and physician are assigned difficult problems in the MCH field which could not be solved by the village worker. However, with the application of the village worker system, we could expect to improve maternal and child hoalth through the replacement of untrained relatives as birth attendants with educated and trained maternity aides. We hope that this system will be a way of improving MCH care, which is only one part of the general health services offered at the local health centre level. Problems of MCH in rural Korea The field of MCH is not only the weakest point in the medical field in our country hut it has also dropped behind other developing countries. Regarding the knowledge about pregnancy and delivery, a large proportion of our respondents reported having only a little knowledge, while 29% reported that they had "sufficient" knowledge. The average number of pregnancies among women residing in rural areas was 4.3 while the rate of women with 5 or more pregnancies among general women and women who terminated childbearing were 43 and 80% respectively. The rate of unwanted pregnancy among general women was 19.7%. The total rate for complications during pregnancy was 15.4%, toxemia being the major complication. The rate of pregnant women with chronic disease was 7%. Regarding the interval of pregnancy, the rates of pregnancy within 12 months and within 36 months after last delivery were 9 and 49% respectively. Induced abortion has been increasing in rural areas, being as high as 30-50% in some locations. The maternal death rate was shown 10 times higher than in developed countries (35/10,000 live births). Prenatal care Most women had no consultation with a physician during the prenatal period. Of those women who did have prenatal care, the majority (63%) received such care only 1 or 2 times throughout the entire period of pregnancy. Also, in 80% of these women the first visit Game after 4 months of gestation. Delivery conditions This field is lagging behind other public health problems in our country. Namely, more than 95% of the women deliveried their baby at home, and delivery attendance by a professional person occurred only 11% of the time. Attendance rate by laymen was 78% while those receiving no care at all was 16%. For instruments used to cut the umbilical corn, sterilized scissors were used by 19%, non-sterilized scissors by 63% and 16% used sickles. Regarding delivery sheets, the rate of use of clean sheets was only 10%, unclean sheets, vinyl and papers 72%, and without sheets, 18%. The main reason for not using a hospital as a place of delivery was that the women felt they did not need it as they had previously experience easy deliveries outside hospitals. Difficult delivery composed about 5% of the total. Child health The main food for infants (95%) was breast milk. Regarding weaning time, the rates within one year, up to one and half, two, three and more than three years were 28,43,60,81 and 91% respectively, and even after the next pregnancy still continued lactation. The vaccination of children is the only service for child health in rural Korea. As shown in the Table, the rates of all kinds of vaccination were very low and insufficient. Infant death rate was 42 per 1,000 live births. Most of the deaths were caused by preventable diseases. Death of infants within the neonatal period was 83% meaning that deaths from communicable diseases decreased remarkably after that time. Infant deaths which occurred without medical care was 52%. Methods of improvement in the MCH field 1. Through the activities of village health workers (VHW) to detect pregnant women by home visiting and. after registration. visiting once a month to observe any abnormalities in pregnant women. If they find warning signs of abnormalities. they refer them to the public health nurse or midwife. Sterilized delivery kits were distributed to the expected mother 2 weeks prior to expected date of delivery by the VHW. If a delivery was expected to be difficult, then the VHW took the mother to a physician or call a physician to help after birth, the VHW visits the mother and baby to confirm health and to recommend the baby be given proper vaccination. 2. Through the midwife or public health nurse (aid nurse) Examination of pregnant women who are referred by the VHW to confirm abnormalities and to treat them. If the midwife or aid nurse could not solve the problems, they refer the pregnant women to the OB-GY specialist. The midwife and PHN will attend in the cases of normal deliveries and they help in the birth. The PHN will conduct vaccination for all infants and children under 5, years old. 3. The Physician will help only in those cases referred to him by the PHN or VHW. However, the physician should examine all pregnant women at least three times during their pregnancy. First, the physician will identify the pregnancy and conduct general physical examination to confirm any chronic disease that might disturb the continuity of the pregnancy. Second, if the pregnant woman shows any abnormalities the physician must examine and treat. Third, at 9 or 10 months of gestation (after sitting of the baby) the physician should examine the position of the fetus and measure the pelvis to recommend institutional delivery of those who are expected to have a difficult delivery. And of course. the medical care of both the mother and the infants are responsible of the physician. Overall, large areas of the field of MCH would be served by the VHW, PHN, or midwife so the physician is needed only as a parttime worker.

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Oestrogenic Activity of Parabens In Vitro Estrogen Assays (에틸, 프로필, 이소프로필, 부틸, 이소부틸 파라벤의 In Vitro 검색시험 연구에서의 내분비독성)

  • Lee Sung-Hoon;Kim Sun-Jung;Park Jung-Ran;Jo Eun-Hye;Ahn Nam-Shik;Park Joon-Suk;Hwang Jae-Woong;Jung Ji-Youn;Lee Yong-Soon;Kang Kyung-Sun
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.100-106
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    • 2006
  • The use of underarm and body care cosmetics with oestrogenic chemical excipients (particularly the parabens) and the hypothesized association with breast cancer incidence, particularly in women. It is noted that the type of cosmetic product is irrelevant (e.g. antiperspirant/deodorant versus body lotion, moisturizers or sprays versus creams) and attention must focus on issues of actual exposure to chemicals through continued dermal application of body care products and the endocrine/hormonal activity and toxicity of the chemicals in the formulations. To evaluate the estrogenic activities of parabens such as ethylparaben, butylparaben, propylparaben, isobutylparaben and isopropylparaben, we used recombinant yeasts containing the human estrogen receptor [Saccharomyces cerevisiae ER+LYS 8127], human breast cancer MCF-7 cell lines and human estrogen receptor ${\alpha}\;and\;{\beta}$. In E-screen assays, isopropylparaben is the most estrogenic paraben, and in ER competition assay, isobutylparaben is the most estrogenic paraben. We evaluated isopropylparaben was most active in the recombinant yeast assay, followed by propylparaben, ethylparaben, isobutylparaben and butylparaben. Results from this study demonstrate that parabens are observed in human endocrine system. Therefore, we have shown that the parabens is induced the estrogenic activities similar to $17{\beta}$-estradiol and Bisphenol-A.

Trends of Cancer Mortality in Gyeongsangbuk - do from 1991 to 1998 (경상북도 주민의 암사망 추이)

  • Kim, Byung-Guk;Lee, Sung-Kook;Kim, Tea-Woong;Lee, Do-Young;Lee, Kyeong-Soo
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.59-78
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    • 2001
  • Data on reported cancer mortality in the Gyeongsangbuk- do province from 1991 to 1998 were collected and analyzed using the existing mortality reporting system as well as the public health network to furnish accurate data on reported cancer death and to collect data to establish a high quality district health plan. The overall crude death rate in Gyeongsangbuk province in 1991 was 74.56 deaths per 100,000-person but this rate increased to 79.22 in 1998. Among the deaths, the overall death rate of cancer was 16.7% in 1991, which increased to 19.3% in 1998; specifically the death rate of men increased from 19.4% in 1991 to 22.3% in 1998 while that of women increased from 12.4% in 1991 to 15.5% in 1998, showing a more increase among women. The types of cancer and associated death rates in 1991 were gastric cancer(41.5%), followed by liver cancer (28.8%), and lung and bronchogenic carcinoma(8.7%) and in 1998, gastric cancer (24.7%), followed by liver cancer(22.7%), lung and bronchogenic carcinoma(19.3%), showing the same order. For men and women, gastric cancer(40.2% and 44.7%, respectively) was the most common cancer death, followed by liver cancer(33.7% and 16.7%, respectively), and lung and bronchogenic carcinoma(10.2% and 5.0%, respectively) in 1991. However, in 1998, gastric cancer(27.8%) was still the most common type among both men and women, followed by liver cancer (18.5%) and lung and bronchogenic carcinoma(12.7%), showing the most decrease in gastric cancer but most increase in lung and bronchogenic carcinoma. The age- adjusted mortality rates by gastric cancer, hepatoma, laryngeal carcinoma were decreased in both male and female, and also uterine cancer was decreased in female. The age- adjusted mortality rates by lung and bronchogenic carcinoma, pancreatic cancer, rectal cancer were increased in both male and female, and also breast cancer was increased in female. The calculated overall age-adjusted death rate based on the 1995 population was 84.25 in 1991, which decreased to 77.67 in 1998. Male death rate decreased significantly from 119.81 in 1991 to 101.82 in 1998 while the female death rate increased from 48.64 in 1991 to 53.80 in 1998. A census of cancer death rate using accurate death records is important for the establishment of proper and high-quality district health and medical plan and policy. The effort to improve the accuracy of death reports using the health facility network, as had been attempted by this study, can be continued. Furthermore, there must be a way for the Health and Welfare Department to use the death reports to improve the present reporting system. Lastly, additional studies need to be conducted to investigate how much the accuracy was improved by the supplemented death reports in this study.

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Training, Working State and Ways of Improving Work of Sex Education Counselors in Health Centers (대구·경북지역 보건소 성교육 담당자의 훈련 및 업무현황과 개선방안)

  • Yeom, Seok-Hun;Kim, Chang-Yoon;Lee, Kyeong-Soo
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.159-175
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    • 2002
  • This present study was conducted to reduce problems by analyzing training and work of sex education counselors and to come up with ways of improving sex education counseling. A survey was performed in 57 subjects at health centers who finished training on sex education counseling in Taegu Metropolitan City and cities, kuns, and gus of Kyongsangbuk Province from December, 1999 to February, 2000 on general characteristics, items relating to the work of sex education, and ways of improving work. The results are as follows. Out of the sex education counselors, there were 55 females, taking 99% out of the total counselors, and the average age of these counselors was 42 years. There were 26 nurses, and their government grade was level 7 in 36 and level 6 in 14. The members who had finished sex education counseling at each public health center was 2.1 counselors at an average. Among those had finished sex education training, 30 was not in sex counseling. When analyzed the answers given by 27 sex counselors who were counseling at the time and the results are as follows. As for the amount of work, 15 answered to have too much work and 1 little; as for having pride on being a sex education counselor, 18 answered to felt pride and 7 so-so; as for materials for sex education and counseling, 25 answered to use videos, 23 books, 10 pictures, 8 beam projectors, and 7 slides. All of the subjects answered to have other responsibilities besides sex education and counseling, and the satisfaction felt on having other responsibilities was 6 satisfied, 12 average, and 2 dissatisfied. The proportion of work load in sex education counselors was other work besides sex education 76.2%, sex education at schools 7.6%. collecting sex education materials 5.7%, counseling of adolescents 4.9%. development of sex education materials 3.5%, and administrative work related to sex education 3.1%. The biggest problem of their work was over-load in 9 respondents, lack of sex education materials in 8, lack of training in 6, and shortage of professionals in 2. As for the answer on the ways of improving matters related to work of sex education counselors, the most frequent answer was that the organizations responsible for sex education needs to be more professional and systematic, followed by dividing the work load so that they could concentrate on developing education materials and sex education and counseling. Thus, the results of the present study indicated that in order to utilize human resources efficiently, the speciality of counselors needs to be considered when making personnel transfers among health centers, and continued activity as a sex education counselor needs to promoted by reducing other overloading tasks. And systematic re-training of the counselors needs to be done, and education manuals that are diverse and realistic to applicable to the children, who are to be the subjects of sex education, need to be developed and distributed.

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A study of the Medical System in the Early Chosun-Dynasty (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 전기(前期)의 의료제도(醫療制度)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Han, Dae-Hee;Kang, Hyo-Shin
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.9
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    • pp.555-652
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    • 1996
  • Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

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Geochemical Equilibria and Kinetics of the Formation of Brown-Colored Suspended/Precipitated Matter in Groundwater: Suggestion to Proper Pumping and Turbidity Treatment Methods (지하수내 갈색 부유/침전 물질의 생성 반응에 관한 평형 및 반응속도론적 연구: 적정 양수 기법 및 탁도 제거 방안에 대한 제안)

  • 채기탁;윤성택;염승준;김남진;민중혁
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Groundwater Environment
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.103-115
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    • 2000
  • The formation of brown-colored precipitates is one of the serious problems frequently encountered in the development and supply of groundwater in Korea, because by it the water exceeds the drinking water standard in terms of color. taste. turbidity and dissolved iron concentration and of often results in scaling problem within the water supplying system. In groundwaters from the Pajoo area, brown precipitates are typically formed in a few hours after pumping-out. In this paper we examine the process of the brown precipitates' formation using the equilibrium thermodynamic and kinetic approaches, in order to understand the origin and geochemical pathway of the generation of turbidity in groundwater. The results of this study are used to suggest not only the proper pumping technique to minimize the formation of precipitates but also the optimal design of water treatment methods to improve the water quality. The bed-rock groundwater in the Pajoo area belongs to the Ca-$HCO_3$type that was evolved through water/rock (gneiss) interaction. Based on SEM-EDS and XRD analyses, the precipitates are identified as an amorphous, Fe-bearing oxides or hydroxides. By the use of multi-step filtration with pore sizes of 6, 4, 1, 0.45 and 0.2 $\mu\textrm{m}$, the precipitates mostly fall in the colloidal size (1 to 0.45 $\mu\textrm{m}$) but are concentrated (about 81%) in the range of 1 to 6 $\mu\textrm{m}$in teams of mass (weight) distribution. Large amounts of dissolved iron were possibly originated from dissolution of clinochlore in cataclasite which contains high amounts of Fe (up to 3 wt.%). The calculation of saturation index (using a computer code PHREEQC), as well as the examination of pH-Eh stability relations, also indicate that the final precipitates are Fe-oxy-hydroxide that is formed by the change of water chemistry (mainly, oxidation) due to the exposure to oxygen during the pumping-out of Fe(II)-bearing, reduced groundwater. After pumping-out, the groundwater shows the progressive decreases of pH, DO and alkalinity with elapsed time. However, turbidity increases and then decreases with time. The decrease of dissolved Fe concentration as a function of elapsed time after pumping-out is expressed as a regression equation Fe(II)=10.l exp(-0.0009t). The oxidation reaction due to the influx of free oxygen during the pumping and storage of groundwater results in the formation of brown precipitates, which is dependent on time, $Po_2$and pH. In order to obtain drinkable water quality, therefore, the precipitates should be removed by filtering after the stepwise storage and aeration in tanks with sufficient volume for sufficient time. Particle size distribution data also suggest that step-wise filtration would be cost-effective. To minimize the scaling within wells, the continued (if possible) pumping within the optimum pumping rate is recommended because this technique will be most effective for minimizing the mixing between deep Fe(II)-rich water and shallow $O_2$-rich water. The simultaneous pumping of shallow $O_2$-rich water in different wells is also recommended.

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The Characteristics and Significance of 'Wanpan Changgeuk' Written by Heogyu (허규 연출 '완판 창극'의 특징과 의의)

  • Kim, Kee-hyung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.20
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    • pp.5-30
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    • 2010
  • It has been diversified and serious attempt to establish the identity of Changgeuk, but it is still independent dramaturgy or the current unformed progressive art. In this situation, exploring works of the identity of changgeuk that is base on the performed individual and specific works in the title of Changgeuk is needed. The 80s and 90s Heo, Gyu was leading an active life as a director who was responsible for directing of Changgeuk. He dramatized Siljeon Pansori -which is a group of Pansori missing text- as well as 5-remained Songs in Pansori and he presented a number of creative Changgeuk works on stage. Especially, the completion of dramatizing 5-remained Songs in Pansori under the name of 'Wanpan Changgeuk -which means full version performance without omit-' is the one of his big achievement by performing "Heungbojeon" on the stage 1982 and "Jeokbyeokga" 1985. The purposes of this research are confirmation of Heo's direction of the formulation and considering its characteristics & significance through 'Wanpan Changgeuk' which written by Heo. Heo was a practical play who was interested in the subjective formulation of national culture and creative transmission for Korean traditional performance. He tried to formulate Changgeuk to a representative performance of Korea. In the process he pointed out those problems, (1) interpretation of a work problem, (2) actor's creative problems, (3) structure problem of theater for Changgeuk. He indicated that the other challenges are to use of the stage & device, to overcome sentimentalism, to stylize acting, to improve own quality, to control the speed and length of the song, to choose the suitable musical accompaniment, to create new repertories problems, and etc. Changgeuk is classified in 3 group by origin, (1)dramatizing of 5-remained Songs, (2)dramatizing of 7-missing Songs, (3)creative dramatizing. It contains all of 3 types that Heo's work. The dramatizing of remained 5 Songs are the great importance among those works. Heo hoped that Chaggeuk has become the most representative art work of Korea by performing 'Wanpan Changgeuk' compiled heritage of Korea's outstanding artistic achievement. The characteristics of 'Wanpan Changgeuk' can be summarized following four. (1) Directing attitudes that emphasizes tradition, (2) Accepting the elements of traditional performance actively, (3) Valuing the classy and ethic, (4) Emphasizing humor and active utilizing of the secondary characters. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' shows a peak of the artistic level which Changgeuk can be reached. He want to make Changgeuk a Korean representative artistic performance by compiling Pansori heritage and accommodating Korean traditional performance. Heo continued his effort to present Pansori's authenticity and to dramatize from beginning to end without missing. It shows very well that 'Wanpan Changgeuk' takes 4~5 hours for playing. It looks Heo's achievement in the 'Wanpan Changgeuk' influenced Changgeuk significantly since then. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' is matrix of 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' attempted in the 1990s. Especially, their intent is consistent to synthesize texts and to show all the virtue of Pansori. But 90's 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' aim for large stage, fancy device & costume and variety contents compared with 'Wanpan Changgeuk'. Recently, producers have tried not to make a impressive Changgeuk but to make a interesting one. They usually organize performance within 2 hours and prefer orchestral music to its unique sound. In those point of view, it seems that Heo's idle in 'Wanpan Changgeuk' has become one of target to conquer in these days.

Excavation of Kim Jeong-gi and Korean Archeology (창산 김정기의 유적조사와 한국고고학)

  • Lee, Ju-heun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2017
  • Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

A Study on the Meaning of 'Gyoun' and Earlier Variations of Chapter One of 'Gyoun' in The Canonical Scripture (『전경(典經)』 「교운(敎運)」편 1장에 나타난 교운의 의미와 구절의 변이 연구)

  • Ko, Nam-sik
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.36
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    • pp.153-199
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    • 2020
  • The teachings of Sangje teachings have been spread to humanity and were provided as basis for building the earthly paradise due to His having performed the Reordering Works of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa) for nine years. The work that remains will be completed year by year following the cosmic program that Sangje set for the universe. The chapters titled 'Gyoun (Progress of the Order)' in Jeon-gyeong (The Canonical Scripture) can be summarized into three parts: Viewing Gyoun, Spreading Gyoun, and Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun. Viewing Gyoun is seeing how the teachings would be transmitted from the beginning to end. The work of Gyoun was established by Sangje and promoted as the teachings of Sangje which will ultimately unfold into the realization of an earthly paradise. Spreading Gyoun is performed by disciples who received the teachings from Sangje and then the successor to whom Sangje transmitted the religious authority. Since chapter two of Gyoun is about the hagiography of Doju Jo Jeongsan, it is shown that Doju unfolded and developed Sangje's teachings. Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun is carried out to enable practitioners to understand that Dotong-gunja ('Dao-Empowered Sages,' Earthly Immortals) will be produced as a result of Sangje's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth and that humans can perfect themselves through cultivating the Dao. In conclusion, Gyoun can be summarized as a process that started during Doju Jo Jeongsan's 50 years (1909~1958) of holy works and spreading of the teachings. Next, it was continued through the time of Dojeon who was bestowed with religious authority through Doju's last words. Dojeon, like Doju before him, spread the teachings. In later times, there will be Dotong-gunjas who transmit Sangje's teachings to the whole world. Although the above characterizations are accurate, I compared some verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order (Gyoun) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong) of Daesoon Jinrihoe to the 6 th edition (1965) of Daesoon Jeongyeong, a key scripture from the earliest strata of Jeungsanist scriptures, and found that there were a few earlier variations of the same content. The use of words and sentences were different though in several of these verses. Also, some of the verses indicated alternative historical dates (years), and some of the verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order from The Canonical Scripture do not appear anywhere in the 6th edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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