• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.189-213
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• 2008

When we say the core thought of the Analects of Confucius, we normally come up with 'Ren(仁)'. However, in the first phrase of Chapter One("學而") of the Analects, there is no mention about 'Humanity'. Then, why the editor of the Analects of Confucius had put the First Chapter at the opening of book? This paper aims to describe the fact that the First Chapter One of the Analects of Confucius implies the core thought of Kongzi(孔子). In the First Chapter One, the vocabularies, such as 'Pleasure'(說), 'Delight'(樂), and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) are central to the phrasal structure. 'Pleasure'(說) is the phase to cultivate himself, or the phase to equip with a qualification in order 'to establish a righteous relation'. And 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to establish relationships with colleagues who share same value and ambition with himself. 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) is the stage to 'establish righteous relationships' with all people in the world, and it denotes an ideal human image presented by Kongzi(孔子). The core concepts of the First Chapter One are connected to the core thoughts of the Analects of Confucius, to wit, 'Ren'(仁), 'Shu'(恕), and 'Xiujizhiren'(修己治人). If 'Ren'(仁) and 'Shu'(恕) refer to specifically 'establishment of righteous relationship', then 'Pleasure'(說) is the stage to obtain qualification in order to 'establish righteous relationship', and 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to 'establish relationships' with brothers and colleagues, and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) means a person who can build up 'righteous relationships' with all the people of the world. Regarding the Confucianism in 'Character building and guiding other souls' Confucius presents three phases, viz. 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓), and the se get through 'Pleasure'(說) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Delight'(樂) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) in the First Chapter One of the Analects of Kongzi(孔子). The human image, named 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) presented in the Chapter One is equated with the human who practices 'morality'(修養) that attained by means of 'cultivation'(實踐) through 'establishment of relationship'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.7-35
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• 2010

Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.261-286
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• 2018

It is possible to communicate with objects in various styles, but especially the poem[詩], the ode[賦], the inscription[銘] are remarkable. The word is not the mouth, but the mind and the soul. Therefore, if a person is in a relationship with an object that defines the person, what conversation with the object is the person's inner. So if you know what a person has been with things, you can imagine his outer surface, and you can get inner if you know what you talked about. Seo Kyung-duk who lived a poverty life, but can not live without things, so his things are not a thing, Seo Kyung-duk also recorded especially about the dojookjang[bamboo cane], the buchae[fan], and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$[Korean lute] Seo Kyung-duk with the buchae, Seo Kyung-duk with the dojookjang, and Seo Kyung-duk with the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$. These are the pictures we can imagine. And I can draw Seo Kyung-duk to talk with those things. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the dojookjang, shows the reality of participating in the rescue of the people's hardships and the stubborn world. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the buchae, is a philosopher who explores the origin of existence with the appearance of realistic preachers who have to wash away the difficulties of the people. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$, is a philosopher who grasps Ki(氣) the phenomenon and the source, the immaterial and the material, the type and the intangible. Both the strings and non-strings are $k{\breve{o}}mungos$. The $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ is strong in ideology symbolizing the Confucianism ideological ideals, and Seok Kyung-duk is also in the extension line. Seo Gyeong-deok, who has seen through the dojookjang, the buchae, and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ has a realistic sense of realizing that he should worry about the pain of the world and fulfill a good world. He is a philosopher who pierces the root of existence and can be governed by the logic of Ki(氣).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

'Old man' or 'old age' was not the parts of academic discipline in the Joseon era but Yeoheon put it in the philosophical 'problematization' of the learning of the Confucianism. He was argued that the old man or old age is not merely biological decline but it has the goal to achieve. The completion of self is the meaning and end of the life throughout the subjective realization and procedure of attaining the goal step by step. Well-aged old man is affirming the getting old and making the positive changing of old life time in his one sake. This essay is showing the Yeoheon's thought of old aging as the self-realizing well-ageing. Next, it is argued that the predicament of old age or old man is not just social welfare or biological aspects but it is serious philosophical problems. If it was just social or biological aspects then it is just a social phenomenon to approach the view of scientists. However, this is not only life and death and flux of time and relativities but also it is problematizing the self-identification subjectivities. Obviously, it is the significant that the old and or old age is fundamentally philosophical subject rather than social or biological materials. In the third chapter, we are dealing with the views of the life and death of Yeoheon. He was insisted that quite interesting opinion that is the all the lives in the universe include himself is 'a wayfarer'. It looks like a time traveler in the universe; we are just one who stays in a body for awhile. When we follow him, we are living in this universe in a time (disposable) but the same theorem is applying to the whole universe as well myriad creatures. Therefore, man has a job to do as an entity of the universe. Yeoheon was called it is the business as a job and we have to do the Dao till you end. The fourth, Yeoheon was suggested that the old man has his work and business. There are two kind of works for an old man, the former is self control as an old age that is call the old man's job and the latter is staying with the Dao that is called the old man's business. According to Yeoheon, man has charged to realize the law of the universe that means we are the moral entity; therefore we are business to complete ourselves. Old age is decline of physical activities rather than vigorous, therefore, we have to follow our body and self-affirmation of declination is the Dao. The final, Yeoheon was advised that the old man better saved in the current of the Dao, because the physical function is declining but the shining Dao is within the mind in the body. It is motivation of the self-dignity of old man and one who recognizes the work to do even in the old body that he will be the significant among all the society not a lonely old man anymore. Old aging is biological twilight but the considerable real size expertise and self-affirmation is the Dao of old age. We are meditating nowadays in Yeoheon's philosophical context on old man or old aging. By him, the old age is man of dignity as long as he realizes in his Dao through the business and self-affirmation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.115-151
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• 2021

According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.