• 한국철학논집
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• 제35호
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• pp.309-334
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• 2012

본 연구는 조선후기 민간도교가 어떠한 형태로 존재해 왔는가를 고찰하고, 민간도교의 근간을 이루는 사상적 측면의 내용과 특징에 대해 논구하려는 것이다. 조선 후기 관제신앙이 관우를 중심으로 하는 민간신앙이라면, 선음즐교(묘련사)와 무상단은 조직을 갖춘 종교결사이다. 선음즐교(묘련사(妙蓮社))의 경우 '선음즐(善陰?)'은 "서경(書經) 주서(周書)"의 홍범전(洪範傳)에서 유래한 유학의 천관을 담고 있지만 수행의 방법으로는 보살성호(예-관세음보살)를 주문으로 수행하고, 신앙의 대상은 삼성(三聖)(관제, 문창, 부우)이다. 이러한 점은 조선 후기 민간도교의 삼교합일적 현상을 보여준다. 임란 이후 왕실의 주도로 국가적 차원에서 시작되었던 관제신앙은 민간에서 확고히 자리 잡게 된다. 조선 후기 관제(關帝)는 충과 효의 화신이면서 유 불 도의 삼교 교권을 집장하며, 생사 죄과 명운을 관장하는 신으로 표현된다. 이러한 신의 위력과 가피력이 민간에 경전으로 유포되면서 관제신앙은 벽사와 구복의 대상으로 자리 잡게 되었다. 선음즐교 '묘련사'는 명청대 '백련사(白蓮社)'를 모방한 종교결사이다. 선음즐교는 염불을 통한 신과의 '감응(感應)'을 강조하였다. 그리고 종교적 엑시터시(ecstasy)의 상태에서의 강필(降筆)을 비난(飛鸞)으로 표현하였다. 비난(飛鸞)이란 부난(扶鸞) 부계(扶?)라고도 하는데, 종교결사에서 경전을 만드는 방법으로, 신과의 합일 상태에서의 강필을 의미한다. 선음즐교는 부주수행을 통해 신과의 합일 상태를 추구하였으며, 신과의 합일 상태에서 강필한 경전을 교단의 중심 교리로 삼았다. 선음즐교의 난서 "제중감로(濟衆甘露)"의 서문을 장식한 여순양이 강림한 곳이 '무상단(無相壇)'이다. 무상단은 서정(徐珽), 정학구(丁鶴九), 유운(劉雲), 최성환(崔?煥)이 주축이 된 독립된 교파로 관성제군, 문창제군, 부우제군의 삼성제군(三聖帝君)을 숭배하면서 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)를 편찬하고 간행 보급하였다. 조선후기 민간도교 경전은 크게는 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)로 구분할 수 있다. 난서(鸞書)는 비난시(飛鸞時)의 관성제군 문창제군 부우제군 강필서이고, 선서(善書)는 "태상감응편"과 "공과격" 같은 선행의 표준을 보여주고 권면하기 위한 책이다. 조선 후기 민간도교의 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째 정치적 이유로 지어진 관묘가 조선 후기 민간도교의 구심점 역할을 했다는 점이다. 관제신앙은 구복과 벽사의 대상으로 민간에 널리 확산되었다. 둘째 조선 후기에는 묘련사와 무상단이라는 구체적인 민간도교단체가 등장했다. 이들은 '감응'을 통한 영성(靈性)의 고양을 통해 신과의 합일을 추구한 난단도교(鸞壇道敎)였다. 셋째 조선의 민간도교는 청대 민간도교의 유불도 합일과 종교결사의 조직형태 난단도교 등의 영향을 받았다. 넷째 조선의 민간도교 경전은 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)로 구분되는데, 조선에서 직접 만들어진 난서(鸞書)는 민간도교의 특징을 밝혀줄 열쇠가 되리라고 기대한다.

• 치위생과학회지
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.1-6
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• 2012

본 연구는 치위생(학)과와 비보건계 학생들의 생명윤리의식 비교를 통해 치위생(학)과 생명윤리교육의 기초자료를 제공하기 위하여 경기지역 2개 대학의 778명의 학생들을 대상으로 개별자기기입법에 의한 설문조사를 실시하였고, SAS 9.2 (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC, USA)를 이용하여 분석한 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 1. 치위생(학)과 학생들의 생명윤리의식 평균이 88.49로 비보건계 학생들에 비해 약 0.89 점이 높았지만, 그 차이는 통계적으로 유의하지 않았다. 2. 전체 학생의 경우 가족 중 의료관련 직종이 있는 학생이 없는 학생에 비해 생명윤리의식이 높았고, 종교유형에 따라 개신교가 가장 높았으며 종교 없음이 가장 낮았다. 3. 치위생(학)과 학생의 생명윤리의식의 경우 여자가 높았으며, 종교유형에 따라 천주교와 불교, 천주교와 종교 없음에서 차이가 있었다. 4. 치위생(학)과 학생들이 비보건계 보다 치명적 선천적질병아동을 사망하도록 내버려두는 것에 더 많이 반대하였다. 5. 치위생(학)과 학생들이 비보건계 보다 장기이식거부, 장기매매, 동물 대체 장기 사용에 더 많이 반대 하였고 장기 매매로 인한 의료 부조리 가능성이 더 높다고 응답하였다. 이상의 결과 국민의 구강건강을 다루게 되는 치위생(학)과 학생들의 좀 더 바람직한 생명윤리관 형성과 향상을 위해서는 치위생(학)과의 생명윤리에 대한 교육과정 개발이 이루어져야 할 것으로 판단된다.

• 기본간호학회지
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.288-309
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• 1999

This survey was done to construct a nursing theory according to Korean culture and to identify the Korean traditional view. From ancient time until now, shamanism has played an important role as determinant of Korean culture and of the personality formation of Korean people. The subjects are 321 patients and member of their families who were over 18 years old, and who are living in five large cities and two rural communities in Korea. Data collection was done from March, 8th to April, 29th in 1999. SPSS The tool developed by the investigator through literature review was used to measure the perception and the attitude of patients and their families to Korean shamanism. Collected data were analyzed by frequency, percent and $x^2$ test with SPSS program. The results are summarized as follows ; 1) While 35% of respondents answed that the destiny or fate(八字) was only relied on the abilities and endeavor of individual, 65% of respondents were fatalists(運命論者) or eclectic(折衷主義者) are compromised between the fate and endeavor. 2) While half of the respondents belief in divination(占) to some degree, the rest of them reported hardly any belief in divination. 3) There were almost twice as many respondents who directly consulted fortune-tellers were as respondents who did not consult fortunetellers. 4) The reasons for consulting fortunetellers were job problems, home problems, health problems by in that order. 5) The respondents almost always interpreted the cause of physical disease and mental disease as being psycho-sociological, but 1% of them explained mental disease as a shamanistic manitestation. 6) In case of disease, the reasons for consulting a fortuneteller was a) no hope of recovery from the sickness in any other way, b) the chronic disease in that order. 7) Of the respondents, 65% answered that diseases could not be cured by a 'Gut' (the performance done by the shaman), but 27% of respondents thought that disease could be cured by a 'Gut' in the case of mental disease. 8) Sixty six percent of the respondents answered that they have experienced praying for their wishes with clean water(井華水). 9) While 54% of the respondents answered that they have seen or heard the 'Beung Gut'(the performance to pray for recovery of sickness done by the shaman), 46% responded that they have never seen or heard it. 10) To the question 'do you intend to have a 'Beung Gut', 51.7% of respondents answer 'no' strongly, but 48% of them say 'yes' or took a compromising attitude. 11) Generally the respondents differed in perception and attitude to shamanism. In short, females more than males, old aged more than younger aged, lower educated more than higher educated, believers in Buddhism more than believers in any other religion, and blue color more than white color have more positive attitudes to shamanism. Also men living in rural communities have more positive attitude to shamanism than men living in the large cities. Consequently, Shamanism can be understood as an anxiety relieving cultural system even though Shamanism itself looks like a cultural complex.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.145-154
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• 2003

본 연구에서는 현대 제례문화를 알아보기 위하여 서울, 부천과 안동지역을 중심으로 제례에 대한 의식에 관하여 조사하였고, 성별, 연령, 종교, 학력 등 일반 환경요인이 제례의식에 미치는 영향을 비교하여 현대 제례의식에 대한 인지도를 조사하였다. 제례에 대한 의식은 대체로 긍정적인 경향이었다. 종교, 성별, 거주지역에 따라 차이를 보였는데, 종교가 불교일 경우와 남성의 경우 그리고 거주지역이 경북지역인 경우 제사음식의 상차림에 대한 전통전수와 후손들도 제사를 모셔야 한다는 의식이 비교적 높게 나타났다. 또한 제사상의 진설방법과 제사에서 축문 등의 절차와 의미의 인지 정도는 연령이 높을수록, 불교 신자, 기혼자, 그리고 맏며느리인 경우에 더 잘 알고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 즉 제례에 대한 의식에 있어서 거주지역별, 종교, 성별, 연령, 결혼 여부, 학력에 따라 유의적인 차이를 나타냈다. 특히 종교가 불교일 경우 제례에 대한 의식이 긍정적이고 전통적인 제례방식을 지키고 전수해야 한다는 의식이 높게 나타났다. 이에 반해 기독교에서는 제사양식과는 다른 추도예배 형식으로 조상에 대한 예가 진행되는 경향으로 종교에 따른 형식면에서 차이가 있었다. 이상과 같이 제례 의식은 개인의 일반 환경과 지역에 따라 차이가 있었는데 이는 시대 변화에 의한 영향보다는 그 지역의 전통적 사고 의식과 자연환경에 따라 전통성과 보수성을 유지하는 것을 의미한다. 또한 일반 환경요인별로 차이가 있는 것으로 보아 현대 사회 환경 변화에 따라 제례 의식도 서서히 변화되고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.7-23
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• 2001

We Koreans are very proud of this nation's cultural history over some five millenniums. But most of the relics found in the nation date back up to two thousand years. Under this circumstance, we are wondering the gap and missing of three thousand years. In our traditional literature of history, [Chiwoo] was a military god of supreme dignity and virtue. He was a symbol of brave and strong warriors and since the antiquity, he has been kept alive deeply in the mind of the Korean race. Considering findings through this study, the researcher could provide a conclusion as described below. 1) The name of Paekje's designed tiles was initially made by a Japanese scholar who had first found the antique relic. According to studies by a few of Korean researchers, the name is usually called despite its relation with a historical background of the excavated objects has not been fully studied. 2) After the patterned objects of the Korean antique Kingdom, Japanese researchers reported that [Chiwoo] was a military god as exorcist and probably represented something in the form of a ghost, although there were arguments that the military god was the very being to influence the image of the ghost. This report suggests that the Japanese community didn't downgrade the military god onto the level of a ghost. 3) One of our antique nations, Paekje at that time sought to determine the origin and culture of the Koreans by making multiple exchange relations with China, and probably accepting cultures of the Chinese Han nation and those of the Chinese South and North Dynasty period. Based on findings from a relevant literature, [Sulyigi], people of Paekje attempted to show express the image of Chiwoo in their own unique ways and then deliver the strong bravery of [Chiwoo] to us, or their descendents. This can explain that those findings as above mentioned are consistent with the designed tiles of Paekje, and that the tiles should not be named as the design of ghost. 4) The designed tiles involved elements of Taoism and Buddhism and substantially considered the spirit of four gods which was mobilized for the tomb construction and selection at that time. But this should never be a reason why all of the horned figures seen in tomb wall paintings are collectively treated as ghosts. 5) From the view of historic literature, we can no doubt say that the Heavenly Emperor [Chiwoo] was our ancestor. It is not better to say that the relic stuffs as excavated should be referred to the design of ghost image only in that they have yet to be associated historically with other relics. This claim would be newly changed as it becomes clear with historical remains that our antique ancestors kept doing positive activities along the coast of the antique kingdom, Balhae.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.163-179
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• 2003

The records of about 60 travel essays of the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda which was built in Chung Yang Temple passed down since 1525. The chronological change of that Hall architecture according to each period was traced upon. The building structure of the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru Budda which has a roundabout way, and 6 pillars inside, sometimes each 6 pillars inside and outside is hexagonal, one story building in Japanese colonial period(picture 3-1) or the present(picture 3-3). The panaromic picture of Chung Yang Temple shows no alterations of the layout of buildings(picture 1-1), in which the Hall of $Praj{\tilde{n}}{\bar{a}}$(般若殿), the main building in the center and the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda, three story stone pagoda, stone lighthouse in front of it became the central axis. The Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda remained as it was until Japanese invasions in 1592 and 1597. However, it was greatly damaged by the flood in 1717. It was newly built by Lee Ha Gon's leading in 1717-1732. At that time, the interior design was changed. With Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda, 53 Buddhas and ${\acute{S}}arira$ of Stone stupa which show itself by the flood in 1717 was located in the image of the Mountain of Chunchuk or Cheontae like Yu Jeom Temple. The doors of this Hall are located in the front and back. In the four walls each, two realistic and cubic buddhism pictures were drawn, The color of those picture was partly taken off in 1671 and repainted in 1714. The new building in 1717-1732 regained its colorful appearance. However, the names written beside each Images of Buddha disappeared. The notable remark in these records is that some of these travel essays in 17th-18th centuries was calling this hexagonal hall as the octagonal one. It is very important records because it means that before 1525 the octagonal hall might have existed. Chung Yang Temple was rebuilt between 1976 and 1985 after the destruction in the Korean War. After the records are carefully read, the full scale excavation about this historic site was not done yet. The interesting issue of the existence of octagonal building will be resolved by the full scale excavation.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.83-102
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• 2008

In the book of , it is recorded that the names of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine were Cheongwoongyo(blue cloud bridge) and Baekwoongyo(white cloud bridge) and the names of stairs to the paradise hall were Yeonwhagyo(lotus bridge) and Chilbogyo(seven treasure bridge). But, the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine and the paradise hall are single consecutive stairs with 2 levels respectively. Because of this, it is rather hard to clearly designate the names to the upper level and the lower level stairs. But, of the stairs to the Paradise hall, the lower stairs have a carving of lotus, and the upper stairs have seven stairs. In this aspect of artifacts, we can safely assume that the upper stairs are Chilbogyo and the lower are Yeonwhagyo. But, for the ingressive stairs to the main shrine, there is no such artificial hint. So, it is difficult to designate the upper and the lower stairs for the two bridges. Especially, it is not clear whether the descriptive order of "lower stairs upper stairs" in the names of Yeonwhagyo and Chilbogyo can be applied to the names of stairs to the main shrine. It is because the general descriptive order is "upper lower" rather than "lower upper." Even though there have been many studies on the Bulguksa temple, the study on the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine has not made till now. Therefore, the study on the position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo stairs can have its validity. In this paper, the positional approach to Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been made in following aspects: First, the temple structure of Bulguksa; Second, the five element theory of oriental philosophy and the Book of Changes; Third, the directional consciousness of Buddhism. Through the aspects, the validity of up-down position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been sought. In this research, it can be concluded that the upper level of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine of Bulguksa is Cheongwoongyo and the lower level is Baekwoongyo. When considered in the Buddhist directional consciousness, it forms the total structure of "East-Cheongwoongyo South- Baekwoongyo West-Yeonwhagyo North-Chilbogyo."

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.782-798
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• 1996

This study was a survey done for the purpose of constructing a nursing theory according to Korean culture and to identify the traditional Korean view of humans and the expectations of the sick role, and to confirm changes from the traditional view of humans and expectations of the sick role according to general characteristics of the population. The subjects were all adults over 18 years old. 517 who lived in six large cities and 191 who lived in five rural communities. Data collection was done from November 19th, 1994 to January 19th, 1995 using a tool to measure the traditional view of humans and expectations of the sick role which was developed by the investigator through a literature review. Collected data were analyzed using frequency, percent, Cronbach alpha, 1-test, F-test and Scheffe post hoc contrasts, with the SAS program. The results of this study are summerized as follows : 1. The Traditional view of human score for all subject was 49.92, which shows that Korean traditional view of human is moderate. High scored items were "human need to live by making harmony with nature, not by overcoming the nature" (3.44), "Filial duty to parents and elders is important" (3.31), "Think of family more than a individual" (2.96). 2. The differences in the traditional view of humans between residential districts showed that the residents of Chungbuk(56.00), Kyungbuk(55.26), Chonbuk(51.32), Taegu(50.59) had a more traditional view of humans than those in Pusan(45.42) and Seoul (47.27). 3. The differences in the traditional view of humans according to general characteristics showed that rural community residents, males, older people, people with lower levels of education, married and house-resident groups had a significantly higher traditional view of humans than urban residents, females, younger people, people with a higher levels of education, single and apartment-resident groups. There were differences according to religion and job. Buddhism had a higher traditional view of humans than those of atheism, Christianity and Catholicism and physical workers, a significantly highers score, than technicians and professional workers. 4. Daily expected task performance during illnesses was lowest for patients with stroke (2.16) and psychosis(2.40), in which case almost no daily general tasks were expected, followed by arthritis 4.06, peptic ulcer 4.79, headache 4.99 and cough 5.58. The amount of expected role exemption during illnesses was also highest for stroke(2.25), followed by psychosis(2.08), arthritis(1.64), peptic ulcer(1.29), headache(1.16) and cough(1.09). The amount of daily task performance in the acute stage(3.05) was significantly lower than that of convalescent stage(4.95). 5. Total expectation of role exemption according to general characteristics showed that there was no significant differences in urban /rural community, marriage, level of education and religion. By sex, women showed higher expectation of role exemption during illnesses than men. By age, the 31-40 year old group showed lower expectation of role exemption than the 41-50 year old group or over the 61 year old group.or over the 61 year old group.

• 조형예술학연구
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• 제6권
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• pp.81-99
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• 2004

For making something to use as a tool since the emergence of mankind, the initial pragmatic purpose has transformed into a new genre of art over time. Things defined like this have rooted in our culture as tradition so far. In the midst of today's various trends, a reflection of tradition and a modern search for tradition by re-creating it are much more needed. To any people in any time, a new trend would undeniably develop on the basis of its previous tradition in any form. The colors appearing in such artwork are also an expression of each people's unconscious potentiality as essential grounds for human aesthetic. The traditional Korean Bojaki, which was made out of women's pragmatic mind trying to recycle trashy pieces of cloth in the 19th century of Chosun Dynasty, appears as a symbolization of our nation's original form in unconsciousness. It includes Confucianism, Buddhism, Zen and the Yin-Yang and Five Elements thought, which have been together with naturalism. The five colors appearing in the Yin-Yang and Five Elements are the basis. Fourteen selected samples around the five colors seen in the color scheme of the Chosun era's Bojaki were measured and their color values were found by analyzing them based on HCV(Hue, Chroma, Value)of the five primary colors as well as the five secondary colors. After choosing a few colors with bare eyes close to traditional Primary Colors and Secondary Colors amongst 14 pieces of data which particularly used traditional Five Colors and examining them using spectrophotometer(JX777), the following conclusions were drawn. Comparing only colors in Primary Colors, the result was red 7.11R 4.59/10.69, blue 6.71PB 3.18/6.45, yellow 3.91Y 7.56/6.12, respectively. With regard to Secondary Colors, it was reported that red 7.96RP 5.42/10.3, blue 7.8B 5.16/5.53, green 8.03GY 6.05/4.34, yellow 2.73Y 7.47/4.07, purple 2.39RP 4.69/4.56, respectively. (diagram) As a result, the standard of Five Colors can be used in modern fiber color. There are differences in dyeing material, methods and kinds of fiber of that time, but women of Chosun Dynasty combined and made fabric which was circulated. Consequently, an applicable attribute of the aye-color values was considered.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제30권3호
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• pp.255-268
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• 1995

뒷간에 관한 호칭으로서 한반도에서 가장 넓게 분포되었던 용어는 통시이나, 이 통 시라는 표현은 현재 많이 사용하는 용어가 아니다. 그러나 과거에는 한반도 어느 지역에서 나 가장 보편적으로 사용된 용어임을 답사를 통해서 알 수 있었다. 일반적으로 돼지울과 뒷 간이 함께 만들어진 경우에 통시라고 호칭하는 경향이 있었다. 제주도에서의 통시는 돌로 울을 만들어 돼지울을 만들고, 돼지울의 한쪽에 높게 고상의 형태로 뒷간을 만든다. 즉 돼지 울과 뒷간이 하나의 세트로 이루어졌다. 지리산을 중심으로 고상의 통시가 분포되어 있다. 통시에 돼지를 사육하는 마을도 있고, 고상의 통시이지만 현재는 돼지를 사육하지 않는 마 을도 있다. 선암사와 송광사의 뒷간도 고상의 구조이나 돼지의 사육과는 관계가 없다. 사찰 에서 고상의 뒷간을 만든 이유는 인분을 고화시키면 악취도 안 나고 처내기에 편리하기 때 문이다. 우리 나라에서 가장 단순한 구조를 갖는 뒷간은 디딤돌 뒷간이다. 이 경우는 지면에 디딤들을 2개 놓고 그 위에서 뒤를 보게 되어 있으며, 돼지의 사육과는 관련이 없다. 가장 단순한 구조의 뒷간이다. 서해안 도서 지방의 뒷간을 보면 돼지울과 뒷간이 나란히 배치되 어 있는 경우가 많다. 낙동강 상류 지방에는 남녀 유별의 통시가 많다. 과거 강원도 화전민 의 통시는 안채에 붙어 있다. 다설 지역인 울릉도 나리 분지에 있는 통시는 겨울의 적설기 에 대비한 통시의 구조이다.