• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.675-683
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• 2002

The purposes of the study were to analyze the changes in formal attires and decorative features of middle age Korean women during the last half of 20th century and to find out any significant differences in formal attires according to periods. The study was a documentary research, and data were collected from 344 family wedding photographs by convenient sampling. The statistics used were content analysis, frequency and a time series analysis, and the results were as follows : 1. Four schematic clusters of formal attires were categorized according to skirt(chima) length and width, jacket(jogori) length, motifs and decorative features; simple classic, decorative classic, fashionable, and extravagant fashionable. Simple classic attires were popular until 1960s, the decorative classics were appeared from late 1960s to 1970s, fashionable attires were introduced from the late 1970s and the attires became more luxurious and extravagant until 2000. 2. Color symbolism in couples mothers'attires according to the couples gender - pink or red for the bride's mother and blue or green for groom's mother - was introduced from the late 1970s, and reached the maximum level by the early 1980s but slowly disappeared after the late 1980s. 3. The complete fashion cycle did not exist in the formal attires'change, however, since the Period of data were ranged from 1943 to 2000, the 57 years period may not long enough to measure a complete fashion cycle.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.12 no.1 s.26
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• pp.1-11
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• 1988

This study dealt with the Dopo, one of the representative ceremonial dress that acclasical scholar used after the middle of the period of the Chosun dynasty. This study represents the period of Dopo's formation and its origin, and the characteristics of the weary of Dopo in Young Dong Province Area is arranged by folkloric method on the base of the exisitng facilities. Dopo has worn since the middle of the period of the Chosun dynasty. It is the kind of Jig young Po that its back is cuffed for convenience and has another cloth as a ceremonial dress. It is thought to be one of the national customs pos formed by the mixture of the big sleeve type which is influenced by confusion life feeling. It seemed that the name of DoPo comes from the Jigchal, an ordinary dress of a high official in China, which is call Dopo. This Dopo is changed and received and so disappeared but it is still used such as ceremonial dress, the necessary articles for marriage of the bride, a bridegroom's liturgical vestments of a memorial service held on the anniversary of the death of a person, mourning dress and a shroud grave clothes. This area has different characters on wearing customs. It is changed into the kind of Dopo, with its back not cutting. The hemp sack is almost used as its subject matter. It doesn't have collar strip for the classification of one's family in any case, and Dopo which is prepared for necessary articles for marriage can not be taken tack after seperating by divorce.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.96-108
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• 2009

This study is made on the royal lady's dress In late Joseon dynasty according to the King Heon-jong and Lady Kyung-bin's Wedding Diary in the year of Jung-mi(1847) and summarised as follows: Girls' full dress was a set of a red skirt, a violet undo. jacket, and a light yellow jacket and a green Gyeon-ma-gi(a kind of top jacket) with he. hair Saeng-meo-ri hanging Do-tu-rak-daeng-gi(a kind of hair ribbon). At the big ceremony, girls wore a green Dang-ui instead of Gyeon-ma-gi. A girl picked up as a royal concubine wore a green Won-sam, which was decorated with gilt letters meaning longevity, patched emblems of gilt letter meaning longevity on the breast and on the back, belted with Bong-dae(a red sash with gilt phoenexes), like a princess's full dress. At the Kyung-bin's installation of Crown Princess and her first greeting ceremony with royal elders, she wore a green Won-sam as a formal dress, which had an embroidered emblem of phoenix, the belt with crystal ornaments, Pae-ok(佩玉), Kyu(圭) of blue jade, Shou(綬) with an phoenix. At a Dong-wrae-yun(drinking ceremony after bride and bridegroom's bowing to each other), she wore the embroidered red Jang-sam as a formal dress. Kyung-bin wore a purple Won-sam with Bong-dae as a full dress for a royal feast. According to the occasions, the same dress was differentiated with ornaments and rotors. Ji-keum-bal was an attire for ordinary ceremony. The attire was equipped with a woven gold green Dang-ui with an emblem of phoenix, a blue gilt underskirt and a red gilt overskirt. No-ui was worn as outdoor clothes. Jang-sam was worn by various classes, so it was differentiated with materials and names according to her class.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.71-79
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• 1995

Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 19, No. 1 (199i) p. 71~79 The authors study on the traditional textile production and the formal dress through the field research concerning the folk attitude toward dress style around the Mt. Kumo area. In this area, people produced and wove hemp, cotton, and silk except ramie. Because of poor production of raw materials, they produced textiles only for self-sufficiency. Every household dealt with dyeing on a small scale. In the past, people dyed cloth natually using plants as material. Natural dyeing, however, gradually changed into chemical one since the Japanese rule. The formal dresses, which people wore on particular occasions such as the hundredth day after child's brith, the first birthday, and traditional holidays, were very meager due to poor living standards. People could not see the formal dresses with full decoration. Bride and bridegroom were the village.owned wedding dresses, and if they could not afford to, they simply put cloth on to remember the occasion. People around the Mt. Kumo area, however, provided fully-decorated shroud and ritual robes to the level of other better-off areas. It seemed to be the result of influence of deep-rooted Confucianism in Gyungbuk province. This Phenomenon could be found in the folk dress style in other regions as well as the Mt. Kumo area in Gyungbuk province.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.62 no.8
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• pp.71-80
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• 2012

The Kut is the core of the traditional folk religion. The afterlife wedding Kut actually performs a traditional wedding ceremony by personifying the deceased in the process of performing the composition of Kut geori that cannot be observed from other Kuts, which is an important means to convey the situation of Kut more clearly. A traditional wedding ceremony performed in the Kut enables the audience to understand the meaning behind the Kut. The costume worn in the traditional wedding ceremony of the afterlife wedding Kut makes the audience understand the existence of the deceased by the use of a scarecrow dialect and makes them feel a vivid sense of the scene emitting from the Kut, which performs a traditional wedding ceremony in the composition of Kut geori. The results of this study showed that a shaman who led the afterlife wedding Kut had a scarecrow that symbolized the bride and a bridegroom wear the traditional wedding costume in order to visualize the deceased and express the symbol of a wedding which could not be made in this world. It can be interpreted that the traditional costume derived from the afterlife wedding Kut plays a symbolic role, which converts the deceased into a living person through the formal aspect of ceremonial costume and the cultural aspect of wedding ceremony.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.23 no.1 s.97
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• pp.140-149
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• 2007

This study investigated the thoughts of undergraduate students in Seoul about the birth rites and wedding ceremony and their foods. Among 524 students who were surveyed, 299 students answered that the meaning of the first birthday rites was for special memory, followed by the child's future and family's harmonies. 248 desired birth rites to remain unchanged and 150 desired extravagance and waste to be reduced. Regarding wedding ceremony, 328 answered that changes are necessary in wedding ceremony gifts. Next, process in wedding ceremony and bridegroom's gift box should be changed, Most of the students didn't know clearly the foods of the one hundredth birthday and the first birthday; nevertheless they considered the birth rites to be necessary. Regarding wedding ceremony, half of the students knew the process and half didn't. Two hundred students answered they knew ordinarily about the foods of wedding ceremony. There were no significant differences in hometown about foods of wedding ceremony. In parent's religions, there were no differences about gifts & foods offered by the bride. The Buddhist students knew well about the birth rites' foods and considered birth rites to be necessary. The correlation of parents' work and student's major and passage rites showed that professional parents knew well about birth rites' foods but religious believers didn't know well. Students majoring in natural science were not concerned with birth rites and thought that they were unnecessary and they didn't know about wedding ceremony process and foods. Knowledge about birth rites increased with increasing number of siblings. Large families were interested in birth rites and knew well about the wedding process, wedding ceremony foods and gift & foods offered by the bride.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.119-134
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• 2023

An Analysis of the Choice of Wedding Time Based on the Gimundungap Theory. The purpose of this study is to research the utility and validity of wedding time selection based on the principles of Ungokgimun, a recent development of Gimundungap theory. Unlike the conventional way of choosing from common auspicious hours and days deemed available for important ceremonial occasions, Ungokgimun determines the propitious heavenly wedding time catered for a particular couple based on the birth table consisting of the four pillars of the bride- and groom-to-be. Using the Hong Guk-soo numbers which are drawn from the basic principles of oriental philosophy, it utilizes a deductive approach to wedding time choice, which is considered decisive and logical. Wedding time selection for a bride and a bridegroom is determined by auspicious combinations of matching and supporting HongGuk-soo numbers. Some relevant determining factors for the time choice are three number combination of samhap, two number combination of half-hap, latitudinal combination of yuk-hap, support and control relationships between related elements, two number punishment of hyung-sal, and three number punishment of samhyung-sal, etc. The specific auspicious palace of the spouse-to-be's luck is selected on the basis of supporting or brotherly combination of numbers which are manifested on the baseline earthly plate of the bride- and groom-to-be. This is followed by the selection of the ten-year luck, and year and month luck, and finally by the selection of auspicious day and hours. The validity of this study was verified through theoretical consideration of the Ungokgimun and practical analysis of a variety of marriage cases. It was found that the way of wedding time selection using Ungok Gimundungap was relatively more effective than other conventional methods.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.569-577
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• 2002

This study was carried out to survey the degree of the recognition and necessity of wedding food to include $Ph{\grave{a}}ebak$ and Ibaji foods prepared by bride's parents and sent to the bridgroom's. The participants of the survey were 293 housewives of 20 years old or more residing in Seoul area. The questionnaires used in this research consisted of 10 questions. The findings could be summarized as follows: 1. As to the degree of the recognition of $Ph{\grave{a}}ebak$ food, 55.2 percent of the participants perceive it as 'the food sent to the bridegroomvs house to be used when the newly-weds greet groom's relatives, whereas 35.8 percent regarded the practice as 'a traditional custom from the ancient times,' which is, in fact, correct and exact. As to its importance, 10.2 percent regarded $Ph{\grave{a}}ebak$ food very important, while 48.5 percent, 'important,' and 11.9 percent, 'not important.' 2. As for the items for $Ph{\grave{a}}ebak$ dishes, 77.5 percent answered their preferences for 'jujube prop-nut,' followed by 'ricecake,' 'liquor' and 'Korean cookies,' in descending order. 3. As for the meaning of Ibaji dishes, 48.2% understand them as 'a set of dishes prepared by the bride's parents to be sent to the bridegroom's'; and as for their willingness or necessity of sending the Ibaji dishes, 15.5 percent indicated that they might prepare them, whereas 78.7 percent said that they would prepare them if the situation required. On the other hand 5.8 percent did not feel the necessity. The overall result is that most females surveyed recognized the two types of food important and were inclined to prepare them when the occasion demanded.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.277-308
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• 2010

Since the globalization, many changes are occurring in our society. Multicultural phenonmenon in the society is becoming one of our major concern in the Korean society. Thus, this study is focusing on the multicultural phenomenon that we are facing since the globalization in Korea. No doubt that immigration is a growing force influencing the demographics of Korea. Since the mid-1990s, immigrant children and children from mixed marriage have become the fastest growing and the most extraordinarily diverse segment of Korea's child population. Until the recent past, Korea's major social attention has focused on adult immigrants to the neglect of their offspring, creating a profound gap between the strategic importance of the new second generation and the knowledge about its socioeconomic circumstances. In other words, there is a significant lack of studies on children of migrant, particularly from the Muslim background living in Korea. International marriage has grown rapidly in Korea since the late 1990s, and this phenomenon is especially common in rural farming communities. Most brides come from China, followed by Vietnam and other southeast Asian countries. However, there are certain number of Muslim bride coming to Korea. There are about 100 thousand muslim peoples living in Korean society. Among them 2.92% are Muslim immigrants' intermarriage with the Koreans. As a result, there are growing number of muslim brides and bridegroom settling in Korea, which would eventually create muslim families in growing korean multicultural societies. This study specify its research on the muslim mixed family by focusing on the offsprings of the muslim background. Our research team has created the new term on such research subject by using Koslim. Koslim is a 1.5 and 2^nd generation from the Muslim back ground family living in Korea. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine the awareness and the perception of Koslim by the Korean mainstream people. By doing so, it can analyze the general attitude of Koreans towards the Koslim people. In this sense this study intends to play a groundwork to promote successful coexistence between Korean and Koslim. It is anticipated that this research can lay the basis for Koreans to have more open and tolerant attitude towards our new members of society that is increasing everyday.