• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• 무역학회지
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• 제44권6호
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• pp.327-344
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• 2019

This paper explores the hub-and-spoke system as the structure of the global economic network that presents obstacles for international cooperation. With its exclusive jurisdiction and control over the hub, a powerful state can employ coercive economic measures to compel and deter unwanted behavior of rogue states and even its allies. Against this backdrop, this study analyzes the cases of the US blocking access to its market by Chinese Huawei as well as the case of Japan in restricting trade for highly advanced goods to South Korea. This analysis reveals that both measures are forms of secondary boycotts, which affect not only the entities within their jurisdiction but also others located in third countries. In addition, this paper extends its findings to free trade agreements and offers implications on the outward processing scheme for the Gaeseong Industrial Complex in the KORUS FTA and the Korea-China FTA. These events result in a gray-risk for South Korea, a country that aims to resolve North Korea's denuclearization and inter-Korean economic cooperation.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-10
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• 2001

This study is to reconsider the symbolic potential of the costume by investigating the role of cloth in Indian culture, noting the fact that Indians wore hand-woven cloth and adopted a flag with the spinning wheel in the center as part of their nationalistic programs for independence. The results are as follows; The Indian cotton industry had held the fist position in the world and spinning and weaving had been an Indian national industry until the early part of the 19th century. As for the Indian cotton industry under the rule of Britain, Indian was reduced to being a colony producing raw materials and a market of cheap British finished goods, and eventually fell into anarchy with economic poverty of the general public and peasants'uprising mixed with the complaint of the intellectuals. The Indian National Movement started as a resort to escape the British rule because of continuous poverty and social exhaustion, and its pivot was Gandhi. Gandhi launched a revolutionary noncooperation movement in Indian society with diverse races, religions and castes, and developed nation-wide campaigns such as Boycott, Swadeshi, the encouragement of spinning wheels, etc. Gandhi urged that Indians' weak identity and poverty were caused by the dissolution of their native craft and that the Indians should wear Indian products for economic independence. Accordingly, leaders of Indian National Congress regarded a spinning wheel as an economic necessity and national symbol, and approved manual spinning and weaving as part of their nationalistic programs in order to drew the general public to the nationalistic movement in 1920. They also decided that all Congressmen should wear hand-woven cloth, Khadi, and adopted spinning wheels as the logo type of Indian National Congress. Khadi, Indian national cloth, was a symbol of national unification, freedom and equality, and also a means of economic self-sufficiency, Swadeshi, and eventually led India to autonomy, Swaraji. Therefore, it can be concluded that the cloth converted Indias economic and political identity.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.1-30
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• 2009

Korean medical fee contract system between the insurer and healthproviders was introduced in 2000. However, a continuous discord among contracting parties concerned and an irrational operation of an arbitration committee of Ministry for Health, Welfare and Family Affairs (MIHWAF) have made it difficult for them to reach to an agreement over last 8 years. The purpose of this study is to observe the current problems of contract system from the view of health insurance law and actual examples. Furthermore, I examined the of breakdown of negotiation by analyzing the eligibility of contracting parties, rationality of Resource Based Relative Value System (RBRVS) and contracting method and fairness of arbitration method in case of negotiation rupture. The results were as follows: First, since the introduction of medical fee contract system, there has been a problem in that both the president of National Health Insurance Corporation (NHIC) and health care provider association have not held strong negotiation power. Second, the frequent changes and notifications of Relative Value Units (RVUs) without any mutual consent between the insurer and provider association negatively have influenced the conversion factors and finally hindered the agreement of contract. Third, a current process that the conversion factors are mediated and determined at the arbitration committee of MIHWAF in the case of contract breakdown between contracting parties has some flaw in that the irrational composition of committee provoked the lack of fairness and objectivity of mediation. Fourth, we can not prospect a satisfactory outcome of arbitration committee because the mediation always has failed to proceed smoothly due to boycott of both committee members from insurer and providers over last 8 years. As a result, we have to make an every effort to resolve problems mentioned above and then dream of an advanced national health insurance system.

• 한국유통학회지:유통연구
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.69-87
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• 2005

최근 일본의 역사교과서 왜곡과 독도에 대한 영유권 주장은 한국 소비자들에게 반일감정을 불러일으키고 있다. 이러한 사건은 두 나라 사이의 정치적 관계 뿐 만이 아니라 경제적 관계를 악화시키고 더 나아가 일본제품에 대한 불매운동으로까지 번질 수가 있다. 본 연구에서는 일본에 대한 원한과 소비자들의 자국중심주의 성향이 일본제품에 대한 만족과 재구매의도에 영향을 미치는 지를 살펴보았다. 일본에 대한 반일감정인 원한이 제품 재구매의도에 부정적으로 영향을 미치며, 소비자 자국중심주의에 긍정적인 영향을 미치고 자국중심주의가 제품만족과 재구매의도에 부정적인 영향을 미친다는 가실을 설정하였다. 공분산구조분석에 의한 통계적 검정결과 제안된 모형이 지지되는 것으로 나타났으며, 일본에 대한 원한이 재구매의도구와 소비자 자국중심주의에 각각 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.18-34
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• 2024

In what was labeled the "nut rage" incident, the vice president of Korean Air, Hyun-Ah Cho (Heather Cho), demonstrated behavior that exemplifies corporate transgression and deviation from societal moral standards toward a flight attendant aboard a flight. Such behavior instigated the public to express negative sentiment on various social media platforms. This study investigates word-of-mouth network on YouTube in response to the crisis, patterns of co-commenting activities across selected YouTube videos, as well as public responses to the incident by employing social and semantic network analysis. A total of 512 YouTube videos featuring the crisis from December 8, 2014 through November 11, 2018, and 52,772 public comments to the videos were collected. The central videos in the network successfully attracted the public's attention and engagements. The results suggest that the video network was decentralized, with multiple videos acting as hubs in the network. The public commented on various videos instead of focusing on a few. The contents of influential videos uploaded by popular news organizations revealed not only Cho's behaviors related to the nut rage crisis but also unrelated illegal behaviors and the moral violations committed by the family members of Korean Air. The public attached derogatory remarks to Cho and her family, and the comments also addressed ethical concerns, management issues of the company, and boycott intentions. The results imply that adverse public reaction was related to the long-standing problem caused by family ownership and governance in large Korean corporations. This Korean Air scandal illustrates backlash toward a leadership breakdown by the family business conglomerate prevalent in the Korean society. This study provides insights for effective handling of similar crises.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.100-110
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• 2008

본 연구는 문화재관람료의 지불의사에 영향을 미치는 문화재관람료의 가격정책에 관련된 결정요인과 문화재해설사의 사찰서비스 제공 그리고 설득메시지의 유형별 효과를 살펴보았다. 최근 국립공원을 방문한 탐방객들은 문화재관람료에 관해 광범위한 사회적 반감과 사회적 저항감을 가지고 있으며, 더 나아가 문화재관람료의 징수 자체를 거부하고 있는 실정이기에 이에 대한 해결책이 필요한 시점이다. 계룡산 국립공원을 방문한 302명의 공원탐방객을 대상으로 설문조사가 이루어졌다. 주된 통계적 분석은 다중회귀분석과 이원변량 분산분석을 통해 수행되었다. 연구결과에 따르면 첫째로, 신용카드로 납부토록 하는 징수방식의 개선이 p<0.05수준에서 통계적으로 가장 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 문화재해설사의 상주, 사찰입장료와 주차비의 합동징수, 매월 평일의 사찰의 무료개방 등이 문화재관람료의 지불의사에 유의한 영향력을 미쳤다. 둘째로, 문화재관람료에 대해 가장 사회적 저항감이 낮은 설득메시지 유형은 문화재관람료를 미래 세대를 위한 문화재의 유지 보수에 사용하겠다는 내용을 강조한 것이 탐방객에게 가장 높은 설득효과를 주는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 문화재관람료에 대한 사회적 저항감을 줄이기 위해서는 문화재의 보존을 강조하는 포스터나 스티커를 통해 매표소에서 지속적으로 탐방객을 설득하는 것이 가장 효과적일 것이다.

• 한국자기학회지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.116-119
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• 2011

지난해 9월7일 일본의 센카쿠열도(중국명 댜오위다오) 부근에서 중국어선이 조업을 하던 중, 일본 순시선이 영해침범 혐의로 중국어선에 정선을 명령하자 순시선을 들이받는 사건이 발생했다. 순시선은 영해를 침범한 혐의로 중국어선을 오키나와로 나포했고, 이후 이 사건은 일본과 중국의 영토문제, 외교 및 경제 갈등으로 확산되었다. 이번 사태의 핵심에는 센카쿠 열도에서 일어난 사건에 국내법을 적용, 사법 처리하는 선례를 남기면서 자국의 '실효 지배'라는 사실을 국제무대에 알리고자 했던 일본의 속내와 이 지역을 '국제분쟁지역화' 하고자 한 중국의 속내가 얽혀있었다. 이러한 갈등 과정에서 양국 정상들의 회담이 무산되고 중국과 홍콩에서 반일시위가 일어나는 등 대립이 수개월간 지속되다 중국이 일본에 희토류 수출중단이라는 초강경 경제보복을 하자마자 일본은 무조건적으로 중국어선 선장을 석방하고 이 사건을 마무리 했다. 이 사건을 계기로 전문가는 물론 많은 일반 사람들까지도 "희토류"라는 것이 어떤 물질이며, 어디에 쓰이며, 얼마나 중요한 것인지를 인식하게 되었다. 최근 중국정부의 희토류관련 정책에 따라 희토류 가격이 급격히 오르면서, 세계적으로 큰 혼란을 야기하고 있다. 이에 본 글에서는 희토류 가격파동과 향후 전망에 대해서 고찰하였다.

• 한국환경보건학회지
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• 제43권1호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

'The worstest environment disaster', 'World's first biocide massacre', 'Home-based Sewol ferry disaster' are all phrases attached to the recent humidifier disinfectant disaster. In the spring of 2011, four of 8 pregnant women including 1 adult man passed away at a university hospital in Seoul due to breathing failure. Epidemiologic investigation conducted by the Korean CDC soon revealed the inhalation of humidifier disinfectant, which had been widely used in Korea during the winter, to be responsible for the disease. As well as lung fibrosis hardening of the lungs, other diseases including asthma, rhinitis, skin disease, liver disease, fetal disease or cancers have been researched for their relation with exposure to the products. By February 9, 2017, 5,342 cases had registered for health problems and 1,131 of them were already dead (20.8% mortality rate). Based on studies by government agencies and a telephone survey of the general population by Seoul National University and civic groups, around 20% of the general public of Korea has used these products. Since the market release of the first product by SK Chemical in 1994, over 7.1 million items from around 20 brands were sold up to 2011. Most of the products were manufactured by well-known large conglomerates such as SK, Lotte, Samsung, Shinsegye, LG, and GS, as well as some European companies including UK-based Reckitt Benckiser and TESCO, the German firm Henkel, the Danish firm KeTox, and an Irish company. Even though this disaster was unveiled in 2011 by the Korean government, the issue of the victims was neglected for over five years. In 2016, an unexpected but intensive investigation by prosecutors found that Reckitt Benckiser manipulated and concealed animal tests for its own brand and brought several university experts and company employees to court. The matter was an intense social issue in Korea from May to June with a surge in media coverage. The prosecutor's investigation and a nationwide boycott campaign organized by victims and environmental groups against Reckitt Benckiser, whose product had been used by more than 70% of victims, led to the producer's official apology and a compensation scheme. A legislative investigation organized after the April 2016 national election revealed the producers' faults and the government's responsibility, but failed to meet expectations. A special law for the victims passed the National Assembly in January 2017 and a punitive system together with a massive environmental epidemiology investigation are expected to be the only solutions for this tragedy. Sciences of medicine, toxicology and environmental health have provided decisive evidence so far, but for the remaining problems the perspectives of social sciences such as sociology and jurisprudence are highly necessary, similar to with the Minamata disease and Wonjin Rayon events. It may not be easy to follow this issue using unfamiliar terminology from medical and chemical science and the long, complicated history of the event. For these reasons the author has attempted to write this article in a question and answer format to render it easier to follow. The 17 questions are: Q1 What is humidifier disinfectant? Q2 What kind of health problems are caused by humidifier disinfectant? Q3 How many victims are there? Q4 What is the analysis of the 1,112 cases of death? Q5 What is the problem with the government's diagnostic criteria and the solution? Q6 Who made what brands? Q7 Has there been a recall? What is still on sale? Q8 Was safety not checked by any producers? Q9 What are the government's responsibilities? Q10 Is it true that these products were sold only in Korea? Q11 Why and how was it unveiled only in 2011 after 17 years of sales? Q12 What delayed the resolution of the victim issue? Q13 What is the background of the prosecutor's investigation in early 2016? Q14 Is it possible to report new victim cases without evidence of product purchase? Q15 What is happening with the victim issue? Q16 How does it compare with the cases of Minamata disease and Wonjin Rayon? Q17 Are there prevention measures and lessons?

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

북한은 2006년 1차 핵실험을 시작으로 2017년 9월까지 총 6차례의 핵실험을 감행하였다. 북한은 미국의 대북적대시 정책에 대응하기 위한 일환으로 체제수호와 방어적 차원에서 핵무장력 담보 전략을 전개하고 있다. 그러나 북한 핵실험의 전략적 목표가 북미협상을 통해 북한체제 위기를 극복하고 그들의 한반도 사회주의통일을 위한 핵무장력을 완성하는 데 있음은 주지의 사실이다. 북한의 계속된 핵실험은 한반도평화를 위협하는 직접적인 요인이 되고 있으며, 동북아안보 역학구도에 간접적인 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 유엔안보리는 이러한 북한의 무모한 핵실험에 대해 지난 10년 이상 6차례의 유엔안보리 결의로 대북제재조치를 단행해 왔다. 그러나 북한 김정은 정권은 유엔과 미국 등 국제사회의 대북제재 조치에도 불구하고 핵 경제병진노선을 고수하겠다는 입장이다. 유엔과 미국의 대북제재조치가 북한에 대한 효과적인 영향을 주지 못한 것은 북한이 강도높은 핵실험으로 격상시키는데 요인으로 분석된다. 2017년 미국의 트럼프 행정부가 대북제재 조치 수단 가운데 하나인 대북 군사옵션은 한반도에서의 전면전과 국지전 양상으로 예상된다. 미 트럼프 행정부는 이전의 미국 행정부의 대북제재 조치 양상과는 다르게 세컨더리 보이콧이라는 외교압박전술을 시도하고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 북한은 유엔과 미국의 대북제재조치에 대해 북 미 간 전면적인 군사대결 입장을 밝히며 '벼랑끝 전술'로 맞서고 있다. 북한은 당분간 체제생존차원에서 핵 경제병진노선을 추진할 것으로 판단된다. 북한체제는 미 중 간의 현실주의적 국가전략 추진으로 체제붕괴 변수가 나타날 수 있다는 점에서 북한의 전략적 선택의 폭은 좁아진다.