• Title/Summary/Keyword: authoritarianism

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A Regulationist Interpretation on the Changes of the Regional Inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 (1980년대 이후 수도권/비수도권 지역격차 변화의 조절이론적 해석)

  • Seo, Min-Cheol
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.42 no.1 s.118
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    • pp.41-62
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    • 2007
  • This paper aims to interpret the changes of the regional inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 on the regulationist approaches that examine institution changes and power dynamics that motivate regional disparities in South Korea. Despite the restrict laws and aims that alms to reduce the concentration into SMA before 1988, the acts were not executed effectively due to the structural selectivity of the bureaucratic authoritarian state of those years. Thus, the regional concentration phenomena of SMA was intensified in the 1980s. However, the democratization in 1987 invoked Non-SMA regions to claim their regional development and it also forced the state to mediate the conflicting interests between the regional agents protesting the SMA concentration and the Capital agents supporting the SMA deregulation. From the early 1990s. the state launched a series of national strategies and policies to diminish regional inequality. They included execution of the existing acts mitigating SMA concentration and construction of industrial complexes in the underdeveloped areas of Non-SMA. Thus, the equalizing polities led the reduction of the concentration of SMA from 1989 to 1997. However, the financial crisis of Korea in 1997 intensified the claims of the Capital agents to deregulate the SMA control. The circumstance also forced the state towards the Capital side that request the deregulation of SMA control. As the result, the regional disparity between SMA and Non-SMA has been enlarged again since 1998.

Cognition and Attitudes toward Psychological Problems among Middle Managers in Small and Medium-sized Workplaces (정신질환에 대한 중소규모 사업장 중간관리자의 인식 및 태도)

  • Yang, Sun Im;Yim, Hyeon Woo;Jo, Sun-Jin;Ji, Yu Na;Jung, Hye-Sun;Kim, Bo Kyoung;Lee, Kang-Sook;Lee, Won Chul
    • Korean Journal of Occupational Health Nursing
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.23-33
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    • 2008
  • Purpose: The purpose of the study was to identify attitudes of middle managers toward employees with psychological problems and to determine factors affecting their attitudes. Methods: A questionnaire with Community Attitudes Toward Mentally Ill (CAMI) scales was administered to 161 middle managers working in small and medium-sized enterprises based in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. Results: There are four separate subscales on the CAMI. Mean score for authoritarianism was $35.0{\pm}4.4$, benevolence $23.0{\pm}4.8$, social restrictiveness $32.3{\pm}4.9$ and community mental health ideology $27.2{\pm}5.1$ According to multiple regression analysis, middle managers with no experience of learning mental illness through mass media or higher levels of depression symptom were more authoritative and less benevolent towards employees with psychological problems. The experience of meeting a patient with mental problem contribute to positive attitudes toward people with mental illnesses in social restrictiveness subscale and community mental health ideology subscale among CAMI. Conclusion: This study suggests that experience of having patients with mental problems and information on psychological problems will have great influence on attitudes of middle managers toward employees with psychological problems. It might be important to help middle manager manage their depression because their depression also affects their attitudes toward employees with psychological problems.

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The Development of Gangnam and the Formation of Gangnam-style Urbanism : On the Spatial Selectivity of the Anti-Communist Authoritarian Developmental State (강남 개발과 강남적 도시성의 형성 - 반공 권위주의 발전국가의 공간선택성을 중심으로 -)

  • Ji, Joo-Hyoung
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.307-330
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    • 2016
  • This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

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A Historical Approach to the Development of Democracy and the Archival Society in Korea (한국 기록관리와 '거버넌스'에 대한 역사적 접근)

  • OH, Hang-Nyeong
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.11
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    • pp.15-40
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    • 2005
  • 'Governance' is a subject that is widely discussed these days in the government and the academic world. I think that the new concept, 'governance', is a strategy to develop the democracy of the society in its institutional and functional aspects. When we are going to discuss about governance, public records and their relationships, without understanding the meaning of 'public' in Korea, we cannot expect to discuss the matter precisely. It is said that Korean public service sectors are awash with authoritarianism and unreasonableness, and that they are at the center of seething corruption and bribe scandals. It is the legacy that the regimes adopted in the aftermath of the Japanese colonial rule for 35 years. The colonial legacy included not simply the practice of the Japanese colony, but also people who had collaborated the Japanese. The American military government and Rhee, Sung-Man regime also appointed the same officials to government posts. As was the same case in other areas including economy, press, education, politics, law, etc. In this point of view, "Righting historical wrongs", a controversial issue now in Korea, aims at establishing the right relationships between an individual and the public, and eventually laying the foundation of democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance. Apparently, Korea has made progress in developing democracy, as well as in reforming the government policy and organization. Many independent commissions are performing the projects instead of the government institutions that mandated to do the job, but has not played their roles. The e-government projects in Korea was launched in 2001 by the former administration. However, the confusion of records-management after the promulgation of the act is the result of the lack of strategy and the inconsistency of the vision. Good record-keeping supports effective, transparent and accountable government. Accountability is a key element of good governance. It is a recognized fact that without information, there is no guidance for decision-making, and accountability. Thus without records, there is no accountability for the decisions of actions. Transparency means that the decisions taken and their enforcement are carried out based on led-out rules and regulations. When both accountability and transparency are non-existent, good governance is bound to fail. Archival institutions have to give an attention to inner-governance because of the new trend of archival practice, namely 'macro-appraisal'. This 'macro-appraisal' is a kind of a functions-based approach. However, macro-appraisal focuses not just on function, but on the three-way interaction of function, structure and citizen, which combined reflect the functioning of the state within civil society, that is to say, its governance. In conclusion, the public and democracy are major challenges in the Korean society. The so-called good governance requires good record management. In this respect, records managers are in the front line of instituting good governance, and achieving better public and democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance.

Political traits of traditional education and its meaning in modern age (전통교육의 정치성과 현대적 함의)

  • Ham, Kyu-jin;Lim, Hong-tae;Yoon, Young-don;Han, Sung Gu
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.56
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    • pp.239-264
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    • 2018
  • Chosun regime, when it replaced the predecessor of Koryo, had to create political ideological system for new integration of the people. The new system, based on Confucianism, replaced religious values of Buddhism with educational ones. In this educational-ideological system, educational objects were mostly limited in character education's. Its goal was 'restoration of good nature'. For the principal agent of educational process, teacher had the initiative. These traits of educational system can be understood as an 'nature-unfolding perspective' or 'formal discipline perspective'. Moreover, the idea of 'teacher shall be served like prince' seems to be ground of political authoritarianism. In this respects, political traits of traditional education system can be restraining elements for developing independent individuality and free citizenship among Korean people. However, traditional teacher was not only authoritarian trainer. As 'a follower of truth and good', he was equal to his disciples. Teacher learned by teaching them. Students could be colleagues of their teacher. And the main traits of traditional education, focusing character development and community consciousness, are still important, in particular, to modern Korean educational and societal environment wanting in humane and participating citizenship.

Between Regime Change and Political Development: Myanmar's Defective Democracy and the Task for the Political Development (체제 전환과 정치발전의 사이에서: 미얀마의 결손민주주의와 정치발전의 과제)

  • JANG, Junyoung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.161-196
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    • 2018
  • The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

Storytelling Strategy of and Its Potential to Evolve into Transmedia Franchise (<자이언트 펭TV> 스토리텔링 전략과 트랜스미디어 스토리텔링으로의 가능성)

  • Cho, Hee-Young
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.211-227
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    • 2020
  • This study intends to analyze the storytelling strategy of EBS's YouTube channel , which has been creating a remarkable cultural phenomenon since April 2019, and to examine the potential for its transition to transmedia franchise. Based on Henry Jenkins'seven principles of transmedia storytelling, shows satisfactory relevance in all but 'multiplicity'out of the 10 capacities consisting of the principles. In particular, was found excellent in terms of core capacities such as 'spreadability', 'immersion', 'worldbuilding', 'continuity', 'drillability' and 'performance'. In addition, critical discourse analysis(CDA) in sociocultural practice dimension of the keywords of the related news articles has discovered that is strongly linked to the following five values: 'social integration', 'resistance against authoritarianism', 'self-dignity and reasonable individualism', 'gender neutrality' and 'ecologism', indicating the reason why the work has been able to resonate so extraordinarily with participants across all generations. By answering the two chosen research questions, this study has proved that has high potential to be successful in evolving into transmedia franchise, while keeping building a new realm of edutainment storytelling by cleverly exploiting EBS's unique identity as a public education broadcaster. is viewed as an exceptional property capable of advancing transmedia storytelling in the local market; thus, productive arguments and contemplation over its evolution in storytelling needs to continue so that it can maintain a long-lasting positive influence.

The Play World Structure of EBS Character "Pengsu" (EBS 캐릭터 '펭수'의 놀이세계 구조)

  • Kim, Jeong-Seob
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.267-275
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    • 2020
  • Even ordinary-looking plays can have a profound meaning. Based on this assumption, Eugene Pink (1960) has established an analytical model of play with five elements, namely "delight", "meaning", "community", "rules" and "tools." It was an effort to reflect on the true meaning of play beyond the cortical entertaining nature of play. In this study, it was carried out that all the texts containing images and performance from the EBS character "Pengsu" were selected, since he emerged as a new star in 2019. And also his play structure was analyzed by applying the Pink's model. As a result, Pengsu's play structure was confirmed to be systematic and complete as a play prototype because it was well-organized with five elements of play. It was regarded as a successful character that skillfully attracts participants to the play world. Among the components of the play, "fun" was found to be his funny appearance, sudden and unconventional behavior, "meaning" was the elimination of authoritarianism, self-esteeming and energizing, "community" was a multi-platform media user who crossed off-on-line, analog-digital-line, "rules" was to set his concept fixed as a young stranger with an ego to unreveal his identity, and "tools" was shown as his character itself and continual discourse. It shows that until now, Pengsu has a social net function of quite spreading the positive meaning of encouragement and comfort, advice and guide, consideration and forgiveness, introspection and nirvana to all members of our society, including the youth who are struggling with uncertainty and anxiety by showing rather exaggerated and stimulating performance that precisely combines these play elements.

Differences in Obedience to Authority between Authoritarians and Non-authoritarians: in Three Authority-level Situations (권위주의적인 사람은 항상 권위에 복종적일까?: 권위주의 성격에 따른 권위관계 상황별 복종의 차이)

  • Sangyeon Yoon;Seongyeul Han
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.41-56
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    • 2008
  • Existing studies show that authoritarians are obedient to the powerful even though they are coercive to the weak. However, the personal relationships are very diverse even in the range of the authority relations. The purpose of this study is to explain the differences in the obedience to authority between authoritarians and non-authoritarians in some situations which have different authority-levels. This study presumed that obedience to authority is affected by their own authoritarianism. For this study, four scenarios were used to provide subjects with the situations that are different in the strength of authority. And the results demonstrated that people behave differently according to the level of authority. The result showed that in the low-authority situation authoritarians tend to obey less to the authorities than non-authoritarians. This result is different from existing ones. It follows from what has been said that the loss of authority in Korea partially comes from the double standard of the authoritarians according to the strength of authority.

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A Critical Essay on 'new cold war' Discourses: The Political Consequences of the 'cold peace' ('신냉전(new cold war)' 담론에 관한 비판적 소론: '차가운 평화(cold peace)'의 정치적 결과)

  • Jun-Kee BAEK
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.27-59
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    • 2023
  • This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.