• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.162-181
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the current status of both exotic and naturalized plants in the designated Cultural Preservation Area located in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do in order to identify traditional cultural places and to provide basic information to prepare a conservation strategy. The vascular plant species was identified as having 114 taxa: 50 families, 93 genera, 94 species, 16 varieties and 4 forms in King Sejong's Prince Taesil. Among them are 15 taxa of the exotic plant species and 16 taxa of naturalized plant species, which resulted in 14.04% of the Naturalization Rate and 5.90% of the Urbanization Index. The vascular plant species was identified as 68 taxa: 40 families, 64 genus, 57 species, 8 varieties and 4 forms in the Seongju Hyanggyo. Among them, the exotic plants recorded 17 taxa with 30 taxa of naturalized plants. The Naturalization Rate was 44.12% and Urbanization Index was 11.07%. The Seongbaksup, which was a grove outside of the Seongju Fortress recorded 61 taxa: 34 families, 58 genera, 55 species, 5 varieties and 1 form. Among them, the exotic plant species consisted of 10 taxa with 17 taxa of naturalized plants, with a 27.87% Naturalization Rate and a 6.27% Urbanization Index. The vascular plant species was recorded as 230 taxa: 92 families, 183 genus, 182 species, 1 subspecies, 32 varieties and 14 forms in Hangae Village. Among them, exotic plants consist of 28 taxa with 85 naturalized plant species, with a Naturalization Rate of 37.12% and Urbanization Index of 31.37%. The vascular plant species in the Seongsan Ancient Tomb is recorded as having 131 taxa: 55 families, 107 genus, 106 species 19 varieties and 6 forms. Among them, exotic plants consist of 18 classifications, and naturalized plants consist of 22 classifications with a Naturalization Rate of 16.79% and an Urbanization Index of 8.12%. The Seongju Hangyo recorded the highest Naturalization Rate among all surveyed sites in Hangae Village. All five of these surveyed sites will require a management plan to eradicate both exotic and naturalized plant species. Hangae Village especially needs to prepare a management plan. The invasion of ragweed in Seongju Hanggyo and Hangae Village, which is one of the most invasive plant species to disturb the ecosystem, is in need of management to eradicate it.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.22-47
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• 2014

This study was to understand the basic principles of the East Asian wooden structure system research and analysis. The Korea and China ancient architecture internal structure research that the combination of girders and crossbeams position. The ancient wooden structures of eastern Asian countries, Korea and China are not much different from each other in the principles of the wooden architecture structure, combining pillars, purlins and crossbeams. However, it seems that age-division, local-division, national-division differs in detail techniques. China ancient wooden structures combination of purlin and crossbeam, and So-seul Timber(Chinese name: Chashou叉手, Tuojiao 托脚) seems to show differences according to the age of the fulcrum position, detailed approach is also different according to various historical dynasty. Before in the 15th century, Purlin and Crossbeam are coupled to each other, but since the 15th century, seems to have developed a technique combined with each other Girder and Crossbeam and to prevent buckling of the Crossbeam cross-sectional area increased dramatically. For Tuojiao in China Tang-Wudai dynasty(A.D. 618~979), can see that saw the top position Girder and Tuojiao no direct coupling, can be seen as maintaining the safety of the material than the material of the inner wooden structures prevent buckling of the purlin. Korea ancient wooden structures of Goryeo dynasty(A.D. 918~1391), So-seul Timber(Chinese name Tuojiao) why do not to use the fashion? To use Purlin Lower backing material techniques to prevent buckling is a popular trend to stable can be thought of as a preferred way to maintain. I think that with universality beyond the local-division, national-division and the two countries since the 15th century of Korea and China ancient wooden structures detailed mechanism for the purlin buckling. In middle-late Chosen dynasty, The effect of Deotgeolyi- techniques and fleeting beams reduce the purlin buckling that reduces the load transmitted from purlin and crossbeam of how to reduce the load on the roof portion of the architecture fleeting beams used, which of craftsmanship of the Chosen Dynasty building can be referred to as another technique for preventing buckling purlin. This Korea and China ancient architecture purlin beam structure and material So-seul Timber study. Seems to be able to provide a basic research study to restore and designed the old wooden architectures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.43-107
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• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.440-449
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• 2019

Purpose: Fire-fighting organizations are the very first agencies that take actions at a disaster scene, and emergency rescue training is carried out for prompt and systematic response. However, there is a need for a change due to the limitations in emergency rescue trainings such as perfunctory trainings or trainings without considering regional or environmental characteristics. Method: This study is to conduct theoretical review with regard to emergency rescue training and present a measure to improve the emergency rescue training through attitude survey targeting fire-fighting organizations in Gangwon area. Result: Facilities that cause difficulties when doing emergency rescue activity were mostly hazardous material storage and processing facilities. In terms of the level of emergency rescue and response task, most respondents answered that the emergency rescue was insufficient. The respondents answered that the effectiveness of emergency rescue training was helpful, but some responses showed that the training was not helpful because of scenario-based training, seeming training, similar training carried out every year, unrealistic training, and lack of competent authorities' interest and perfunctory participations. Most respondents answered for the appropriateness of emergency rescue training and evaluation that they were satisfied, however, they were not satisfied with the evaluation methods irrelevant to the type of training, evaluation methods requiring unnecessary training scale, and evaluation methods leading perfunctory participations of competent authorities. Lastly, respondents mostly answered that training reflecting various damage situations are necessary regarding the demand on the improvement of emergency rescue training. Conclusion: The improvement measures for emergency rescue training are as follows. First, it is necessary to set and prepare various training contents in accordance with regional characteristics by reviewing major disasters occurred in the region. Second, it is necessary to revise the emergency rescue training guidelines and manuals for appropriate training plan for each fire station, provide education and training for working-level staff members, and establish training in a way that types, tactics, and strategies of emergency rescue training could be utilized practically. Third, it is necessary to prepare a scheme that can lead participation and provide incentive or penalty from the planning stage of training in order to increase the participation of supporting and competent authorities when an actual disaster occurs. Fourth, it is necessary to establish support arrangements and cooperative systems by authority through training by fire stations or zones in preparation for disaster situations that may occur simultaneously. Fifth, it is necessary to put emphasis on the training process rather than the result for emergency rescue training and evaluation, pay attention to the identification of supplement points for each disaster situation and make improvements. Especially, type or form of training should be considered rather than evaluating the execution status of detailed processes, and the evaluation measure that can consider the completeness (proficiency) of training and the status of role performance rather than the scale of training should be prepared. Sixth, type and method of training should be improved in accordance with the characteristics of each fire station by identifying the demand of working-level staff members for an efficient emergency rescue training.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.135-153
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• 2021

The demilitarized zone (DMZ) is a border barrier with 248 kilometers in length and about 4 kilometers in width crossing east to west to divide the Korean Peninsula about in half. The boundary at 2 kilometers to the south is called the southern limit line. The DMZ has formed a unique ecosystem through a natural ecological succession after the Armistice Agreement and has high conservation value. However, the use of facilities for the military operation and the unchecked weeding often damage the areas in the vicinities of the southern limit line's iron-railing. This study aimed to prepare basic data for the restoration of damaged barren vegetation. As a result of classifying vegetation communities based on indicator species, 10 communities were identified as follows: Duchesnea indica Community, Hosta longipes Community, Sedum kamtschaticum-Sedum sarmentosum Community, Potentilla anemonefolia Community, Potentilla fragarioides var. major Community, Prunella vulgaris var. lilacina Community, Dendranthema zawadskii var. latilobum-Carex lanceolata Community, Dendranthema zawadskii Community, Plantago asiatica-Trifolium repens Community, and Ixeris stolonifera-Kummerowia striata Community. Highly adaptable species can characterize vegetation in barren areas to environment disturbances because artificial disturbances such as soil erosion, soil compaction, topography change, and forest fires caused by military activities frequently occur in the barren areas within the southern limit line. Most of the dominant species in the communities are composed of plants that are commonly found in the roads, roadsides, bare soil, damaged areas, and grasslands throughout South Korea. Currently, the vegetation in barren areas in the vicinities of the DMZ is in the early ecological succession form that develops from bare soil to herbaceous vegetation. Since dominant species distributed in barren land can grow naturally without special maintenance and management, the data can be useful for future restoration material development or species selection.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.177-186
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• 2021

For disaster management and mitigation of earthquakes in Korea Peninsula, active fault investigation has been conducted for the past 5 years. In particular, investigation of sediment-covered active faults integrates geomorphological analysis on airborne LiDAR data, surface geological survey, and geophysical exploration, and unearths subsurface active faults by trench survey. However, the fault traces revealed by trench surveys are only available for investigation during a limited time and restored to the previous condition. Thus, the geological data describing the fault trench sites remain as the qualitative data in terms of research articles and reports. To extend the limitations due to temporal nature of geological studies, we utilized a terrestrial LiDAR to produce 3D point clouds for the fault trench sites and restored them in a digital space. The terrestrial LiDAR scanning was conducted at two trench sites located near the Yangsan Fault and acquired amplitude and reflectance from the surveyed area as well as color information by combining photogrammetry with the LiDAR system. The scanned data were merged to form the 3D point clouds having the average geometric error of 0.003 m, which exhibited the sufficient accuracy to restore the details of the surveyed trench sites. However, we found more post-processing on the scanned data would be necessary because the amplitudes and reflectances of the point clouds varied depending on the scan positions and the colors of the trench surfaces were captured differently depending on the light exposures available at the time. Such point clouds are pretty large in size and visualized through a limited set of softwares, which limits data sharing among researchers. As an alternative, we suggested Potree, an open-source web-based platform, to visualize the point clouds of the trench sites. In this study, as a result, we identified that terrestrial LiDAR data can be practical to increase reproducibility of geological field studies and easily accessible by researchers and students in Earth Sciences.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.171-208
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• 2016

Female folk song singers do not necessarily recognize the indigenous elements, which are, however, naturally reflected in the narration in the context. Singers of Taebaek Ararei recognize the dialect, the tone and the song when performing. Traditional Ararei had been performed by singers in the village of slash-and-burn field in Hwangji. Cheolam and Jangseong do not have their own traditional songs sing they are mining regions but had adopted songs from other areas including Gyeonggbuk, which still remain as alternative versions. Many elements of Jeongseon Arari and Samcheok Menari are in the narration and the songs. In terms of the context, alternative versions of Ararei are old Arirang melodies from slash-and-burn fields and were confirmed to be a very old form of oral folk songs in Gangwondo. Female singers of 3 generations, Hwaok Mun, Geumsu Kim and Hyojeong Kim, who keep the tradition and identity of Taebaek Ararei, show the integration of the past, present and future of Ararei. The Ararei Preservation Society continuously organizes singers' performances and maintains the tradition. The singer Hwaok Mun was born in Taecheon, Pyeongannamdo and moved to south at 5 and lived in Hajang, Samcheok and then moved to Jangseong and lived in Jaemungok. She is a mother of 6 children and has been a farmer for most of her life. She currently resides in Mungokdong and would sing Ararei at village feasts or events. She says she learned the song naturally because Ararei was sung very often in the past around Taebaek area. She is a typical native Arirang singer. The singer Geumsu Kim is a daughter of Hwaok Mun and leads the Taebaek Ararei Preservation Society to study, maintain and introduce the sound of Taebaek(Taebaek Arirang). She introduces Miner Arirang and Taebaek Ararei to the society members and the local residents. The singer Hyojeong Kim is a granddaughter of Hwaok Mun and follows the tradition of her grandmother and mother while adopting more modern Arirang contents.