• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.1606-1632
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• 2018

This study analyzes the technology billionaires with the combination of technology commercialization studies and billionaire research. However, we will not discuss individual billionaires, but discuss the general features of technology billionaires. This study assumes that the answers to the technology commercialization studies are in the technology billionaire researches. In other words, unlike the technology commercialization studies so far, it can be said that it is a retrospective approach of technology commercialization to see the process and the beginning from the result. The conclusion of this study is as follows. First, technology billionaires are in the middle rank among industries, but their wealth is the best. Second, in the technology sector, four 20s are self-made billionaires. It is a matter of securing technological opportunities, not a long training and preparation. Third, the determinants of technology billionaires are population size and venture capital investment. This means technological efforts and sufficient market conditions are the basis for the development of technology billionaires. Fourth, only high income is not the determinant of technology billionaires. There are many small countries that are very rich but can not utilize technology. Technology billionaires can appear in countries with a minimum of US $ 20,000, unless the country has a huge population such as China and India. Sixth, technology billionaires in the diversified business, classified as Chaebol in low-income countries become scarce in the countries over the US $ 40,000. Billionaires will increase rapidly from the mid-2000s. However, this is not explained by the income increase effect. The world's income increase has been slowing since the 1980s. The market economy effect of the socialist countries is not the reason, because it is limited to some socialist countries. Ultimately, the main reason is the new technology opportunity called the IT paradigm.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2002

Using detailed data of women's work history, this study analyses the transition process between employment and non-employment over the life history in order to identity individual and structural determinants in the processes. Korean women comprise very heterogeneous groups in terms of work continuity: one group having a continuous work history and another having an interrupted work experience. While 4.0% of total women have stayed in the labor market since leaving school, 17.3% have not worked outside at all and remaining 87.9% have experienced into and out of the labor market at least once. On the average, the cumulated time of employment per woman is 8.2 years and the cumulated time of unemployment is 13.1 years. Thus Korean women work a total of only 38.5% of their whole lifetime after leaving school. We can conclude that the increase of the employment rate of married women in Korea since the 1970s has been due to the increase of the new entrants with short or little working careers into the labor market, not to the increase of women's work continuity on the whole. A women's educational achievement does not seem to be positively related to employment duration, contrary to the suggestion of the human capital theory, Rather, family variables, especially the existence of the child under 6 yens old, is a more significant determining factor for an individual's exit from employment. And there is little difference among different age cohorts which implies little improvement in the employment continuity of younger women. This study also documents the importance of structural variables, such as the type of occupation, as significant determining factors for the hazard rate. Specially women with professional jobs tend to stay longer in the labor market. Therefore, women's entry into more professional occupations is expected to contribute to the continuity of employment. Our results also show that duration-dependence is not spurious. When unobserved heterogeneity is controlled, the negative relation between the rate from employment and the duration of employment does not disappear.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.47-75
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• 2016

This study has analyzed the history of the subcontract animation in Korea that began with Golden Bat of TBC Animation Division in 1966 to 1980s and shed the light on the history of subcontract animation that has been processed over 30 years in Korean animation. For this purpose, through the outlined status of subcontract animation, such as, production company, production status, scale of industry and so forth, the status of the OEM industry then has been checked and it links the solidified background of animation into subcontract production industry with the situation in time for analysis. In addition, on the basis of the foregoing, it is intended to broaden the horizon of the history of animation through the analysis on new search for facilitating the creative animation by overcoming the issues and limits generated by the subcontract animation industry. 1970s was the time that the national objective is to advance heavy-chemical industry and export-led economic growth. From the late 1970s, the animation has been spot lighted as the main-stream export industry through the overseas subcontract orders for animation. Expansion of the subcontract animation production has been influenced from the national policies on public culture, dispersion of color TV, facilitation of video production market and other media changes of the time that led the decline of animation audiences in theaters, and another cause would be in lack of platform of broadcasting companies that avoided the independent animation production for its economic theory. The subcontract animation industry may have the positive evaluation in the aspect of expanding the animation environment, such as, structuring of animation infra, development of new human resources and etc. However, the technology-incentive 'production'-oriented advancement has created distorted structure in advancing the professional human resources due to the absence of 'pre-production' of planning and others as well as the insufficient perception on 'post production (post work)', and it was unable to formulate domestic market by re-investing the capital accumulated for OEM industry into the production of creative animation and it has been assessed as negative aspect. Animation is a cultural and spiritual product of a country. Therefore, the systematic support policy for the facilitation of the creative animation, such as, development of professional human resources, creation of outstanding work, formation of market to make the pre-circulation structure and so forth has to be sought. However, animation is an industry, but there is no perception that it is a cultural industry based on the creativeness, not hardware-oriented manufacturing business. Such a lack of recognition, there was no policies to make the market and facilitate the creative animation by the animation of Korea for this period through the long-term plan and investment for independent work production. Such an attempt is newly begun through diverse searches for protection and advancement of creative animation in Korea after 1990s.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.1-31
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• 2007

The purpose of this paper is to analyse wage differentials between non-regular and regular works. Data from EAPS(Economically Active Population Survey) 2005 show that the monthly wage level of non-regular worker is only 63% of regular worker and thus there exist 37% wage differentials. However, these wage differentials do not control for hours of work, the amount of human capital, job characteristics, and other individual characteristics affecting wages. If these variables are added to the hourly wage regression equation, the wage gap between non-regular and regular workers drastically decreases to 2.2%. Furthermore, decomposition of the wage differentials by Oaxaca method shows that productivity difference between non-regular and regular workers explains up to 91% of the wage gap. This implies that the magnitude of wage discrimination against non-regular workers is at most 0.2% of hourly wage of regular workers. To control for unobserved individual heterogeneities more accurately, we also construct panel data and estimate wage differentials. The results from the panel data approach show that there is no difference in the hourly wages between non-regular and regular workers. In some specifications, the wage rate of non-regular worker is rather higher than that of regular worker. These results are consistent with economic theory. Other things being equal, workers with unstable employment may require higher wages to compensate their unstability. Firms are willing to pay higher wages if they can get more flexibility from non-regular employment. Empirical results in this paper cast doubt on the view that there is wage discrimination against non-regular workers in the labor market. Public policies should be targeted for disadvantaged groups among non-regular workers, not for non-regular workers in general.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.23
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• pp.41-74
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• 2007

In Korea, corporate merger activities were activated since 1980, and nowadays(particuarly since 1986) the changes in domestic and international economic circumstances have made corporate managers have strong interests in merger. Korea and America have different business environments and it is easily conceivable that there exists many differences in motives, methods, and effects of mergers between the two countries. According to recent studies on takeover bids in America, takeover bids have information effects, tax implications, and co-insurance effects, and the form of payment(cash versus securities), the relative size of target and bidder, the leverage effect, Tobin's q, number of bidders(single versus multiple bidder), the time period (before 1968, 1968-1980, 1981 and later), and the target firm reaction (hostile versus friendly) are important determinants of the magnitude of takeover gains and their distribution between targets and bidders at the announcement of takeover bids. This study examines the theory of takeover bids, the status quo and problems of merger in Korea, and then investigates how the announcement of merger are reflected in common stock returns of bidding firms, finally explores empirically the factors influencing abnormal returns of bidding firms' stock price. The hypotheses of this study are as follows ; Shareholders of bidding firms benefit from mergers. And common stock returns of bidding firms at the announcement of takeover bids, shows significant differences according to the condition of the ratio of target size relative to bidding firm, whether the target being a member of the conglomerate to which bidding firm belongs, whether the target being a listed company, the time period(before 1986, 1986, and later), the number of bidding firm's stock in exchange for a stock of the target, whether the merger being a horizontal and vertical merger or a conglomerate merger, and the ratios of debt to equity capital of target and bidding firm. The data analyzed in this study were drawn from public announcements of proposals to acquire a target firm by means of merger. The sample contains all bidding firms which were listed in the stock market and also engaged in successful mergers in the period 1980 through 1992 for which there are daily stock returns. A merger bid was considered successful if it resulted in a completed merger and the target firm disappeared as a separate entity. The final sample contains 113 acquiring firms. The research hypotheses examined in this study are tested by applying an event-type methodology similar to that described in Dodd and Warner. The ordinary-least-squares coefficients of the market-model regression were estimated over the period t=-135 to t=-16 relative to the date of the proposal's initial announcement, t=0. Daily abnormal common stock returns were calculated for each firm i over the interval t=-15 to t=+15. A daily average abnormal return(AR) for each day t was computed. Average cumulative abnormal returns($CART_{T_1,T_2}$) were also derived by summing the $AR_t's$ over various intervals. The expected values of $AR_t$ and $CART_{T_1,T_2}$ are zero in the absence of abnormal performance. The test statistics of $AR_t$ and $CAR_{T_1,T_2}$ are based on the average standardized abnormal return($ASAR_t$) and the average standardized cumulative abnormal return ($ASCAR_{T_1,T_2}$), respectively. Assuming that the individual abnormal returns are normal and independent across t and across securities, the statistics $Z_t$ and $Z_{T_1,T_2}$ which follow a unit-normal distribution(Dodd and Warner), are used to test the hypotheses that the average standardized abnormal returns and the average cumulative standardized abnormal returns equal zero.